A THEOLOGICO-POLITICAL TREATISE
Hampshire:202-3,
203-5,
205-9
(Published 1670 anonymously)
Benedict de Spinoza
1632
- 1677
Part 2 - Chapters VI to X
Part 1 , Part 2 ,
Part 3 , Part 4
Metaphors,
Metaphor of Commandment
of G-D, Referred
to G-D, G:Shirley:42.
JBY Notes:
1. Text was scanned from Book
II and is a translation
from
Bruder's
1843 Latin text by R.H.M.
Elwes (1883).
JBY added sentence
numbers.
2. (y:xx): y = Chapter
Number, if given; xx = Sentence Number.
3. Page numbers are those
of Book II.
4. Citation abbreviations.
5. ( Spinoza's Footnote or the Latin word ) ,
] Shirley's Bk.
XI (or XIII) translation variance
or note [ ,
{ JBY
comment, emendation, or endnote }. LINKS
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8. There is much in this
work that you will not agree
with or even Graetz's
Censure
think nonsense—although
keep in mind that Spinoza was under
the constraints
of religious intolerance.
Spinoza was born in the
very year (1632)
that the inquisitorial denunciation of Galileo took
place. However,
partake of the work (and my commentaries) as
you would a
pomegranate; relish the flesh, but spit-out the
pits.
9. EL:[7]:viii, EL:[11]:xi, EL:[17]:xiii, EL:[22]:xvi,
EL:[64]:xxxi, EL:xxxiii:J6,
L19:296, L20:297,
L23:301, L49:364,
old vocabulary in new bottles.
{Scriptural
Theology} Hampshire:205
10. The chief
aim of the whole
treatise is to separate
faith ^ {Religion} Smith:Divine
Law
from
philosophy. ]Shirley:37—What
emerges in the
TTP, as far as is Spinoza
Hampshire:203
& 205
concerned,
is the possibility of a this-worldly blessedness
for both the rational person TL:L36(23):345
(through
philosophy) and
the common person (through purified religion),[ EL:L21:(73):298
{By
my defining Religion as an hypothesis,
the two are synthesized.} Philosophy
/ Religion
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Part Chapters
| Part 1 | I | II | III | IV | V |
| Part 2 | VI | VII | VIII | IX | X |
| Part 3 | XI | XII | XIII | XIV | XV |
| Part 4 | XVI | XVII | XVIII | XIX | XX |
Author's Notes to Theologico-Political
Treatise - Part 2
TABLE OF CONTENTS: Bk.II
Page Numbers
CHAPTER VI.—Of Miracles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 |
|
| Confused ideas of the vulgar on the subject. | 81 |
| A miracle in the sense of a contravention of natural laws an absurdity. | 82 |
| In the sense of an event, whose cause
is unknown, less edifying than an event better understood. |
84 |
| G-D's providence identical with the course of Nature. | 89 |
| How Scripture miracles may be interpreted. |
92 |
CHAPTER VII.—Of the Interpretation of Scripture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 |
|
| Current systems of interpretation erroneous. | 98 |
| Only true system to interpret it by itself. | 100 |
| Reasons why this system cannot now be carried out in its entirety. | 108 |
| Yet these difficulties do not interfere with our understanding the plainest and most important passages. |
113 |
| Rival systems examined—that of a supernatural faculty
being necessary—refuted. |
114 |
| That of Maimonides. | 114 |
| Refuted. | 116ff |
| Traditions of the Pharisees and
the Papists rejected, |
118ff |
CHAPTER VIII.—Of the authorship of the Pentateuch, and the other historical books of the {Hebrew Bible} . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .120 |
|
| The Pentateuch not written by Moses. | 120 |
| His actual writings distinct. | 124 |
| Traces of late authorship in the other historical books. | 127 |
| All the historical books the work of one man. | 129 |
| Probably Ezra. | 130 |
| Who compiled first the book of Deuteronomy. | 131 |
| And then a history, distinguishing the books by the names of their subjects. |
132 |
CHAPTER IX.—Other questions about these books . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 |
|
| That these books have not been thoroughly revised and made to agree. |
133 |
| That there are many doubtful readings. | 139 |
| That the existing marginal notes are often such. | 140 |
| The other explanations of these notes refuted. | 141 |
| The hiatus. |
145 |
CHAPTER X.- An Examination of the remaining books of the Old Testament according to the preceding method . . . . . . . . . . . .146 |
|
| Chronicles, Psalms, Proverbs. | 146 |
| Isaiah, Jeremiah. | 147 |
| Ezekiel, Hosea. | 148 |
| Other prophets, Jonah, Job. | 149 |
| Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther. | 150 |
| The author declines to undertake a similar detailed examination of the New Testament. |
156 |
Authors Endnotes to the Treatise
transcends human understanding, so also do they style Divine, or
the work of G-D, anything of which the cause is not generally known: Metaphors, Referral
for the masses think that the power and providence of G-D are most Chain of Natural Events
clearly displayed by events that are extraordinary and contrary to the
conception they have formed of
Nature, especially if such
events
Bk.XIA:3341—advantage.
bring them any profit
or convenience: they think that the clearest
possible proof of G-D's existence is afforded when nature, as they
suppose, breaks her accustomed order, and consequently they
believe that those who explain or endeavour to understand pheno-
mena or miracles through their natural causes are doing away with
G-D and His providence. (6:2) They suppose, forsooth, that God is Referral
inactive so long as nature works in her accustomed order, and vice
versâ, that the power of nature and natural causes are idle so long
as God is acting: thus they imagine two powers distinct one from the
other, the power of God and the power of nature, though the latter
is in a sense determined by God, or (as most people believe now)
created by Him. (6:3) What they mean by either, and what they under-
stand by God and nature they do not know, except that they imagine
the power of God to be like that of some royal potentate, and
nature's power to consist in force and energy.
(6:4) The
masses then style unusual phenomena, "miracles,"
and Hampshire:206
partly from piety, partly for the sake of opposing the students of
science, prefer to remain in ignorance of natural causes, and only
to hear of those things which they know least, and consequently
admire most. (6:5) In fact, the common people can only adore God,
and refer all things to His power by removing natural causes, and
conceiving things happening out of their due course, and only
admires page 82 the power of God when the power of nature is
conceived of as in subjection to it.
(6:6) This
idea seems to have
taken its rise among the early Jews
who saw the Gentiles round them worshipping visible gods such as
the sun, the moon, the earth, water, air, &c., and in order to inspire
the conviction that such divinities were weak and inconstant, or
changeable, told how they themselves were under the sway of an
invisible God, and narrated their miracles, trying further to show
that the God whom they worshipped arranged the whole of nature
for their sole benefit: this idea was so pleasing to humanity that
men go on to this day imagining miracles, so that they may believe
themselves God's favourites, and the final cause for which God
created and directs all things.
(6:7) What
pretension will not people in their folly advance!
(8) They
have no single sound idea concerning either God or nature, they
confound God's decrees with human decrees, they
conceive nature
as so limited that they believe man
to be its chief part! (6:9)
I have
spent enough space in setting forth these common ideas and
prejudices concerning nature and miracles, but in order to afford a
regular demonstration I will show— { EL:L20:297, EL:L21:298,
EL:L22:299. }
< Parkinson:279118—Neff-L60(56):385,
last paragraph. > { Nature
and
Miracles }
Bk.XIA:3342.
I. (6:10)
That nature cannot be contravened, but
that she preserves
a fixed and immutable
order, and at the same time I will explain
what is meant by a miracle.
II. (6:11)
That God's
nature and existence,
and consequently His Omnipotence
& Omniscience
providence cannot be
known from miracles, but that they can
all be much better
perceived from the fixed and immutable
order of nature.
III. (6:12)
That by the decrees and
volitions, and consequently the
providence of God,
Scripture (as I
will prove by Scriptural
examples) means nothing
but nature's order following neces-
sarily from her eternal laws.
IV. (6:13)
Lastly, I will treat
of the method of interpreting Scriptural
miracles, and the
chief points to be noted concerning
the
narratives of them.
(6:14) Such
are the principal subjects which will be discussed
in this
chapter, and which will serve, I think, not a little to further the object
of this treatise.
(6:15) Our
first point is easily proved from what we showed in Chap.
IV.
about Divine law—namely, that all that God page 83 wishes or deter-
mines involves eternal necessity and truth, for we demonstrated that
God's understanding is identical with His will, and that it is the same
thing to say that God wills a thing, as to say that He understands it;
hence, as it follows necessarily from the Divine nature and perfec-
tion that God understands a thing as it is, it follows no less neces-
sarily that He wills it as it is. (16) Now, as nothing is necessarily true
save only by Divine decree, it is plain that the universal laws of
nature are decrees of God following from the necessity and perfec-
tion of the Divine nature. (6:17) Hence, any event happening in nature
which contravened nature's universal laws, would necessarily also
contravene the Divine decree, nature, and understanding; or if any-
one asserted that God acts in contravention to the laws of nature,
he, ipso facto, would be compelled to assert that
God acted against
Bk.XX:27588.
His own nature—an evident absurdity.
(6:18) One
might easily show
from the same premises that the power and efficiency of nature are
in themselves the Divine power and efficiency, and that the Divine
power is the very essence of God, but this I gladly pass over for the
present.
(6:19) Nothing,
then, comes to pass in nature
(N.B. I do not mean here by
"nature," merely matter and its modifications, but infinite other things besides matter.) in
contravention to her universal laws, nay, everything agrees with
them and follows from them, for whatsoever comes to pass, comes
to pass by the will and eternal decree of God; that is, as we have
just pointed out, whatever comes to pass, comes to pass according
to laws and rules which involve eternal necessity and truth; nature,
therefore, always observes laws and rules which involve eternal
necessity and truth, although they may not all be known to us, and
therefore she keeps a fixed and immutable order. (6:20) Nor is there
any sound reason for limiting the power and efficacy of nature, and
asserting that her laws are fit for certain purposes, but not for all;
for as the efficacy and power of nature, are the very efficacy and
power of God, and as the laws and rules of nature are the decrees
of God, it is in every way to be believed that the power of nature is
infinite, and that her laws are broad enough to embrace everything
conceived by the Divine intellect; the only alternative is to assert
that God has created nature so weak, and has page 84 ordained for
her laws so barren, that He is repeatedly compelled to come afresh
to her aid if He wishes that she should be preserved, and that
things should happen as He desires: a conclusion, in my opinion,
very far removed from reason. (6:21) Further, as nothing happens in
nature which does not follow from her laws, and as her laws
embrace everything conceived by the Divine intellect, and lastly,
as nature preserves a fixed and immutable order; it most clearly
follows that miracles are only intelligible as in relation to human
opinions, and merely mean events of which the natural cause
cannot be explained by a reference
to any ordinary occurrence,
Bk.XIA:3340.
either by us, or at any rate, by
the writer and narrator of the miracle.
(6:22) We
may, in fact, say that a miracle
is an event of which the
causes cannot be explained by the natural reason through a refer-
ence to ascertained workings of nature; but since miracles were
wrought according to the understanding of the masses, who are
wholly ignorant of the workings of nature, it is certain that the
ancients took for a miracle whatever they could not explain by the
method adopted by the unlearned in such cases, namely, an
appeal to the memory, a recalling of something similar, which is
ordinarily regarded without wonder; for most people think they
sufficiently understand a thing when they have ceased to wonder
at it. (6:23) The ancients, then, and indeed most men up to the pres-
ent day, had no other criterion for a miracle; hence we cannot
doubt that many things are narrated in Scripture as miracles of
which the causes could easily be explained by reference to ascer-
tained workings of nature. (6:24) We have hinted as much in Chap. II.,
in speaking of the sun standing still in the time of Joshua, and going
backwards in the time of Ahaz; but we shall soon have more to say
on the subject when we come to treat of the interpretation of
miracles later on in this chapter.
(6:25) It
is now time to pass on to the second point, and show that we
cannot gain an understanding of God's essence, existence, or provi-
dence by means of miracles, but that these truths are much better
perceived through the fixed
and immutable order of
nature.
(6:26) I
thus proceed with the demonstration. (27)
As God's existence
is
not self-evident (6) it must necessarily be inferred from page 85 ideas
so firmly and incontrovertibly true, that
no power can be postulated
Bk.XIX:29622.
or conceived sufficient to
impugn them. (28) They
ought certainly so
to appear to us when we infer from them God's existence, if we wish
to place our conclusion beyond the reach of doubt; for if we could
conceive that such ideas could be impugned by any power whatso-
ever, we should doubt of their truth, we should doubt of our conclu-
sion, namely, of God's existence, and should never be able to be
certain of anything. (6:29) Further, we know that nothing either agrees
with or is contrary to nature, unless it agrees with or is contrary to
these primary ideas; wherefore if we would conceive that anything
could be done in nature by any power whatsoever which would be
contrary to the laws of nature, it would also be contrary to our
primary ideas, and we should have either to reject it as absurd, or
else to cast doubt (as just shown) on our primary ideas, and conse-
quently on the existence of God, and on everything howsoever
perceived. (6:30) Therefore miracles, in the sense of events contrary
to the laws of nature,
so far from demonstrating to us the existence
Bk.XIA:3343.
of God,
would, on the contrary, lead us to doubt it, where, otherwise,
we might have been absolutely certain of it,
as knowing that nature
Bk.XIA:3342.
follows a fixed and immutable order.
(6:31) Let
us take miracle as meaning that which cannot be explained
through natural causes. (32) This may be interpreted in two senses:
either as that which has natural causes, but cannot be examined by
the human intellect; or as that which has no cause save God and
God's will. (6:33) But as all things which come to pass through natural
causes, come to pass also solely through the will and power of God,
it comes to this, that a miracle, whether it has natural causes or not,
is a result which cannot be explained by its cause, that is a pheno-
menon which surpasses human understanding; but from such a
phenomenon, and certainly from a result surpassing our under-
standing, we can gain no knowledge. (6:34) For whatsoever we
understand clearly and distinctly should be plain to us either in
itself or by means of something else clearly and distinctly under-
stood; wherefore from a miracle or a phenomenon which we cannot
understand, we can gain no knowledge of G-D's essence, or exist-
ence, or indeed anything about G-D or Nature; whereas when we
know that page 86 all things are ordained and ratified by God, that
the operations of nature follow from the essence of God, and that
the laws of nature are eternal decrees and volitions of God, we
must perforce conclude that our knowledge of God, and of God's
will increases in proportion to our knowledge and clear understand-
ing of nature, as we see how she depends on her primal cause,
and how she works according to eternal law. (6:35) Wherefore so far
as our understanding goes, those phenomena which we clearly and
distinctly understand have much better right to be called works of
God, and to be referred to the will of God than those about which
we are entirely ignorant, although they appeal powerfully to the
imagination, and compel men's admiration.
(6:36) It
is only phenomena that we clearly and distinctly understand,
which heighten our knowledge of God, and most clearly indicate
His will and decrees. (37) Plainly, they are but triflers who, when they
cannot explain a thing, run back to the will of God; this is, truly, a
ridiculous way of expressing ignorance. (6:38) Again, even supposing
that some conclusion could be drawn from miracles, we could not
possibly infer from them the existence of God: for a miracle being
an event under limitations is the expression of a fixed and limited
power; therefore we could not possibly infer from an effect of this
kind the existence of a cause whose power is infinite, but at the
utmost only of a cause whose power is greater than that of the
said effect. (6:39) I say at the utmost, for a phenomenon may be the
result of many concurrent causes, and its power may be less than
the power of the sum of such causes, but far greater than that of
any one of them taken individually. (6:39a) On the other hand, the
laws of nature, as we have shown, extend over infinity, and are
conceived by us as, after a fashion, eternal, and nature works in
accordance with them in a fixed and immutable order; therefore,
such laws indicate to us in a certain degree the infinity, the eternity,
and the immutability of God.
(6:40) We
may conclude, then, that we cannot gain knowledge of the
existence and providence of God by means of miracles, but that we
can far better infer them from the fixed and immutable order of
nature. (6:41) By miracle, I here mean an event which surpasses, or
is thought to surpass, human comprehension: for in so far as it is
supposed to destroy or page 87 interrupt the order of nature or her
laws, it not only can give us no knowledge of G-D, but, contrariwise,
takes away that which we naturally have, and makes us doubt of
G-D and everything else.
(6:42) Neither
do I recognize any difference between an event against
the laws of nature and an event beyond the laws of nature (that is,
according to some, an event which does not contravene nature,
though she is inadequate to produce or effect it)—for a miracle is
wrought in, and not beyond nature, though it may be said in itself to
be above nature, and, therefore, must necessarily interrupt the
order of nature, which otherwise we conceive of as fixed and
unchangeable, according to God's decrees. (6:43) If, therefore,
anything should come to pass in nature which does not follow from
her laws, it would also be in contravention to the order which God
has established in nature for ever through universal natural laws:
it would, therefore, be in contravention to God's nature and laws,
and, consequently, belief in it would throw doubt upon everything,
and lead to Atheism.
(6:44) I
think I have now sufficiently established my second
point, so
that we can again conclude that a miracle, whether in contravention
to, or beyond, nature, is a mere absurdity; and, therefore, that what
is meant in Scripture by a miracle can only be a work of nature,
which surpasses, or is believed to surpass, human comprehension.
(6:45) Before passing on to my third point, I will adduce Scriptural
authority for my assertion that God cannot be known from miracles.
(6:46) Scripture
nowhere states the doctrine openly, but it can readily
be inferred from several passages. (47)
Firstly, that in which Moses
commands (Deut. xiii.) that a false prophet should be put to death,
even though he work miracles: "If there arise a prophet among you,
and giveth thee a sign or wonder, and the sign or wonder come to
pass, saying, Let us go after other gods . . . thou shalt not hearken
unto the voice of that prophet; for the Lord your God proveth you,
and that prophet shall be put to death." (6:48) From this it clearly
follows that miracles could be wrought even by false prophets; and
that, unless men are honestly endowed with the true knowledge
and love of G-D, they may be as easily led by miracles to follow
false gods as to follow the true G-D; for these words are added:
"For the page 88 Lord your God tempts you, that He may know
whether you love
Him with all your heart {religion} and
with all your
mind {philosophy}."
(6:49) Further,
the Israelites, from all their miracles,
were unable to
form a sound conception of G-D, as their experience testified: for
when they had persuaded themselves that Moses had departed
from among them, they petitioned Aaron to give them visible gods;
and the idea of God they had formed as the result of all their
miracles was—a calf {idolatry}!
(6:50) Asaph,
though he had heard of so many miracles,
yet doubted
of the providence of God, and would have turned himself from the
true way, if he had not at last come to understand true blessedness.
(See Ps. lxxiii.) (6:51) Solomon, too, at a time when the Jewish nation
was at the height of its prosperity, suspects that all things happen
by chance. (See Eccles.
iii:19, 20, 21; and chap.
ix:2, 3, &c.)
(6::52) Lastly,
nearly all the prophets found it very
hard to reconcile
the order of nature and human affairs with the conception they had
formed of God's providence, whereas philosophers who endeavour
to understand things by clear conceptions of them, rather than by
miracles, have always found the task extremely easy—at least,
such of them as place true happiness solely in virtue and peace of
mind, and who aim at obeying Nature, rather than being obeyed by
her. (6:53) Such persons rest assured that G-D directs nature accord-
ing to the requirements of universal laws, not according to the
requirements of the particular laws of human nature, and trial,
therefore, G-D's scheme comprehends, not only the human race,
but the whole of Nature.
(6:54) It
is plain, then, from Scripture itself, that miracles
can give no
knowledge of G-D, nor clearly teach us the providence of G-D. Metaphors
(55) As to the frequent statements in Scripture, that God wrought
miracles to make Himself plain to man—as in Exodus x:2, where He
deceived the Egyptians, and gave signs of Himself, that the Israel-
ites might know that He was God,—it does not, therefore, follow
that miracles really taught this truth, but only that the Jews held
opinions which laid them easily open to conviction by miracles.
(6:56) We have shown in Chap. II. that the reasons assigned by the
prophets, or those which are formed from revelation, are not
assigned in accordance with ideas universal and common to all,
but in accordance with the accepted page 89 doctrines, however
absurd, and with the opinions of those to whom the revelation was
given, or those whom the Holy Spirit
wished to convince.
(6:57) This
we have illustrated by many Scriptural instances, and can
further cite Paul, who to the Greeks was a Greek, and to the Jews
a Jew. (58) But although these miracles could convince the Egyp-
tians and Jews from their standpoint, they could not give a true idea
and knowledge of G-D, but only cause them to admit that there was
a Deity more powerful than anything known to them, and that this
Deity took special care of the Jews, who had just then an unexpect-
edly happy issue of all their affairs. (6:59) They could not teach them
that G-D cares equally for all, for this can be taught only by philos-
ophy: the Jews, and all who took their knowledge of God's provi-
dence from the dissimilarity of human conditions of life and the
inequalities of fortune, persuaded themselves that God loved the
Jews above all men, though they did not surpass their fellows in
true human perfection.
(6:60) I
now go on to my third point, and show from Scripture
that the
decrees and mandates of G-D, and consequently His providence, Metaphors
are merely the order of Nature—that is, when Scripture describes
an event as accomplished by G-D or G-D's will, we must under-
stand merely that it was in accordance with the law and order of
nature, not, as most people believe, that nature had for a season
ceased to act, or that her order was temporarily interrupted.
(6:61) But Scripture does not directly teach matters unconnected with
its doctrine, wherefore it has
no care to explain things by their
{quibble}
natural causes,
nor to expound matters
merely speculative. Cash
Value
(6:62) Wherefore our conclusion must be gathered by inference from
those Scriptural narratives which happen to be written more at
length and circumstantially than usual.
(63) Of these I will cite a few.
(6:64) In
the first book of Samuel,
ix:15, 16, it is related that God
revealed to Samuel that He would send Saul to him, yet God did not
send Saul to Samuel as people are wont to send one man to another.
(6:65) His "sending" was merely the ordinary course of nature. (66) Saul
was looking for the asses he had lost, and was meditating a return
home without them, when, at the suggestion of his servant, he went
page 90 to the prophet Samuel, to learn from him where he might
find them. (6:67) From no part of the narrative does it appear that
Saul had any command from God to visit Samuel beyond this
natural motive.
(6:68) In
Psalm
cv. 24 it is said that God changed
the hearts of the
Egyptians, so that they hated the Israelites. (69) This was evidently
a natural change, as appears from Exodus, chap. i., where we find
no slight reason for the Egyptians reducing
the Israelites to slavery.
(6:70) In
Genesis
ix:13, God tells Noah that He will set His bow in the
cloud; this action of God's is but another way of expressing the
refraction and reflection which the rays of the sun are subjected to
in drops of water.
(6:71) In
Psalm
cxlvii:18, the natural action and warmth
of the wind, Metaphors
by which hoar frost and snow are melted, are styled the word of the
Lord, and in verse 15 wind and cold are called the commandment Examples
and word of God.
(6:72) In
Psalm
civ:4, wind and fire are called the angels and ministers
of G-D, and various other passages of the same sort are found in
Scripture, clearly showing that the decree, commandment, fiat, and
word of G-D are merely expressions for the action and order of
Nature.
(6:73) Thus
it is plain that all the events narrated in Scripture came
to
pass naturally, and are referred directly to G-D because Scripture,
as we have shown, does not aim at explaining things by their
natural causes, but only at narrating what appeals to the popular
imagination, and doing so in the manner best calculated to excite
wonder, and consequently to impress the minds of the masses with Constitution
devotion. (6:74) If, therefore, events are found in the Bible which we
cannot refer to their causes, nay, which seem entirely to contradict
the order of nature, we must not come to a stand, but assuredly
believe that whatever did really happen happened naturally. Exodus—freedom
(6:75) This view is confirmed by the fact that in the case of every
miracle there were many attendant circumstances, though these
were not always related, especially where the narrative was of a
poetic character.
(6:76) The
circumstances of the miracles clearly show, I maintain, that
natural causes were needed. (77) For instance, in order to infect the
Egyptians with blains, it was
necessary page 91
that Moses should
{
^ an inflammatory
swelling or sore}
scatter ashes in the air
(Exod. ix:
10); the locusts also came upon
the land of Egypt by a command of God in accordance with nature,
namely, by an east wind blowing for a whole day and night; and
they departed by a very strong west wind (Exod. x:14, 19). (6:78) By
a similar Divine mandate the sea opened a way for the Jews (Exo.
xiv:21),
namely, by an east wind which blew very strongly all
night.
(6:79) So,
too, when Elisha would revive the boy who was believed to
be dead, he was obliged to bend over him several times until the
flesh of the child waxed warm, and at last he opened his eyes
(2
Kings iv:34, 35).
(6:80) Again,
in John's Gospel (chap.
ix.) certain acts are mentioned as
performed by Christ preparatory
to healing the blind man, and there
are numerous other instances showing that something further
than
the absolute fiat of
God is required
for working a miracle.
{
^ an authoritative
decree}
(6:81) Wherefore
we may believe that, although the circumstances
attending miracles are not related always
or in full detail, yet a
miracle was never performed without them.
(6:82) This
is confirmed by Exodus
xiv:27, where it is simply stated
that "Moses stretched forth his hand, and the waters of the sea
returned to their strength in the morning," no mention being made
of a wind; but in the song of Moses (Exod. xv:10) we read, "Thou
didst blow with Thy wind (i.e. with a very strong wind), and the sea
covered them." (6:83) Thus the attendant circumstance is omitted in
the history, and the miracle is thereby enhanced.
(6:84) But
perhaps someone will insist that we
find many things in
Scripture which seem in nowise explicable by natural causes, as
for instance, that the sins of men and their prayers can be the
cause of rain and of the
earth's fertility, or that faith can heal the
blind, and so on. (6:85)
But I think I have
already made sufficient
answer: I have shown that Scripture does not explain things
by their
secondary causes, but only narrates them in the order and the style
which has most power to move men, and especially uneducated Hampshire:202
men, to devotion; and therefore it speaks inaccurately of G-D and
of events, seeing that its object
is not to convince the reason,
{bring
Peace-of-Mind}
but to attract and lay
hold of the imagination. (6:86)
If the Bible were Mark
Twain's "Little Story"
to describe the destruction page 92 of an empire in the style of poli-
tical historians, the masses would remain unstirred, whereas the
contrary is the case when it adopts the method of poetic description,
and refers all things immediately to God. (6:87) When, therefore, the
Bible says that the earth is barren because of men's sins, or that
the blind were healed by faith, we ought to take no more notice
than when it says that God is angry at men's sins, that He is sad, 5P17
that He repents of the good He has promised and done; or that on
seeing a sign he remembers something
He had promised, and
{allegorically}
other similar expressions, which
are either thrown out poetically or
related according to the
opinion and prejudices
of the writer.
(6:88) We
may, then, be absolutely certain that every event
which is
truly described in Scripture necessarily happened, like everything
else, according to natural laws; and if anything is there set down
which can be proved in set terms to contravene the order of nature, Durant:64087
or not to be deducible therefrom,
we must believe it to have been
{or
to be interpreted metaphorically
or allegorically}
foisted into the sacred writings by irreligious
hands ^ ;
for whatsoever
is contrary to nature is also contrary to reason, and whatsoever is
contrary to reason is
absurd, and, ipso facto, to be
rejected.
(6:89) There
remain some points concerning the interpretation
of
miracles to be noted, or rather to be recapitulated, for most of them
have been already stated. (90) These I proceed to discuss in the
fourth division of my subject, and I am led to do so lest anyone
should, by wrongly interpreting a miracle, rashly suspect that he
has found something in
Scripture contrary to human reason.
(6:91) It
is very rare for men to relate an event simply as it
happened,
without adding any element of their own judgment. (92) When they
see or hear anything new, they are, unless strictly on their guard,
so occupied with their own preconceived opinions that they per-
ceive something quite different from the plain facts seen or heard,
especially if such facts surpass the comprehension of the beholder
or hearer, and, most of all, if he is interested in their happening in a
given way.
(6:93) Thus
men relate in chronicles and histories their own opinions
rather than actual events, so that one and the same event is so
differently related by two men of different page 93 opinions, that it
seems like two separate occurrences; and, further, it is very easy
from historical chronicles to gather the personal opinions of the
historian.
(6:94) I
could cite many instances in proof of this from the writings both
of natural philosophers and historians, but
I will content myself with
one only from Scripture, and leave the reader
to judge of the rest.
(6:95) In
the time of Joshua the Hebrews held the ordinary opinion that
the sun moves with a daily motion, and that the earth remains at
rest; to this preconceived opinion they adapted the miracle which
occurred during their battle with the five kings. (6:96) They did not
simply relate that that day was longer than usual, but asserted that
the sun and moon stood still, or ceased from their motion—a state-
ment which would be of great service to them at that time in convin-
cing and proving by experience to the Gentiles, who worshipped
the sun, that the sun was under the control of another deity who
could compel it to change its daily course. (6:97) Thus, partly through
religious motives, partly through preconceived opinions, they con-
ceived of and related the occurrence as something quite different
from what really happened.
(6:98) Thus
in order to interpret the Scriptural
miracles and under-
stand from the narration of them how they really happened, it is
necessary to know the opinions of those who first related them,
and have recorded them for us in writing, and to distinguish such
opinions from the actual impression made upon their senses, other-
wise we shall confound opinions and judgments with the actual
miracle as it really occurred: nay, further, we shall confound actual
events with symbolical and imaginary ones. (6:99) For many things
are narrated in Scripture as real, and were believed to be real,
which were in fact only symbolical and imaginary. (6:100) As, for
instance, that God came down from heaven (Exod. xix:18, Deut.
v:28), and that Mount Sinai smoked because God descended upon
it surrounded with fire; or, again that Elijah ascended into heaven
in a chariot of fire, with horses of fire; all these things were assur-
edly merely symbols adapted to the opinions of those who have
handed them down to us as they were represented to them, namely,
as real. (6:101) All who have any education know that G-D has page 94
no right hand nor left; that He is not moved nor at rest, nor in a
particular place, but that He is absolutely infinite and contains in
Himself all perfections.
(6:102) These
things, I repeat, are known to whoever judges of things
by the perception of pure reason, and not according as his imagin-
ation is affected by his outward senses. (6:103) Following the example
of the masses who imagine a bodily Deity, holding a royal court with
a throne on the convexity of heaven, above the stars, which are
believed to be not very far off from the earth.
(6:104) To
these and similar opinions very many narrations in Scripture
are adapted, and should not, therefore,
be mistaken by philoso-
phers for realities.
(6:105) Lastly,
in order to understand, in the case
of miracles, what
actually took place, we ought to be familiar with Jewish phrases Hebrew expression
and metaphors; anyone who did not make sufficient allowance for
these, would be continually seeing miracles in Scripture where
nothing of the kind is intended by the writer; he would thus miss the
knowledge not only of what actually happened, but also of the mind
of the writers of the sacred text. (6:106) For instance, Zechariah
speaking of some future war says (chap. xiv;7): " It shall be one day
which shall be known to the Lord, not day nor night; but at even
time it shall be light." (6:106a) In these words he seems to predict a
great miracle, yet he only means that the battle will be doubtful
the whole day, that the issue will be known only to God, but that in
the evening they will gain the victory: the prophets frequently used
to predict victories and defeats of the nations in similar phrases.
(6:107) Thus Isaiah, describing the destruction of Babylon, says (chap.
xiii:10): "The stars of heaven, and the constellations thereof, shall not
give their light; the sun shall be darkened in his going forth, and the
moon shall not cause her light to shine." (6:108) Now I suppose no
one imagines that at the destruction of Babylon these phenomena
actually occurred any more than that which the prophet adds, "For
I will make the heavens to tremble, and remove the earth out of
her place."
(6:109) So,
too, Isaiah in foretelling to the Jews that they would
return
from Babylon to Jerusalem in safety,
and would not suffer from
{Isa
48:21}
thirst on their journey,
says: "And
they thirsted page
95 not
when He
led them through the deserts; He caused the waters to flow out of
the rocks for them; He clave the rocks, and the waters gushed out."
(6:110) These words merely mean that the Jews, like other people,
found springs in the desert, at which they quenched their thirst; for
when the Jews returned to Jerusalem with the consent of Cyrus, it
is admitted that no similar miracles befell them.
(6:111) In
this way many occurrences in the Bible are to be
regarded
merely as Jewish expressions. (112) There is no need for me to go
through them in detail; but I will call attention generally to the fact
that the Jews employed such phrases not only
rhetorically, but also,
{used
for mere style or effect ^ }
and indeed chiefly, from devotional motives. (6:113)
Such is the reason
for the substitution of "bless God" for "curse God" in 1 Kings xxi:10,
and Job ii:9, and for all things being referred to God, whence it
appears that the Bible seems to relate nothing but miracles, even
when speaking of the most ordinary occurrences, as in the exam-
ples given above.
(6:114) Hence
we must believe that when the Bible says that the Lord
{Exo
7:13}
hardened Pharaoh's heart, it
only means that Pharaoh was obsti-
{Gen
7:11}
nate; when it says that God
opened the windows of heaven, it only
means that it rained very hard, and so on. (115) When we reflect on
these peculiarities, and also on the fact that most things are related
very shortly, with very little details and almost in abridgments, we
shall see that there is hardly anything in Scripture which can be
proved contrary to natural reason, while, on the other hand, many
things which before seemed obscure, will after a little consideration
be understood and easily explained.
(6:116) I
think I have now very clearly explained all
that I proposed to
explain, but before I finish this chapter I would call attention to the
fact that I have adopted a different method in speaking of miracles
to that which I employed in treating of prophecy. (117) Of prophecy
I have asserted nothing which could not be inferred from promises
revealed in Scripture, whereas in this chapter I have deduced my
conclusions solely from the principles ascertained by the natural
light of reason. (6:118) I have proceeded in this way advisedly, for
prophecy, in that it surpasses human knowledge, is a purely theo-
logical question; therefore, I knew that I could not make any asser-
tions about it, nor learn page 96 wherein it consists, except through
deductions from premises that have been revealed; therefore I was
compelled to collate the history of prophecy, and to draw therefrom
certain conclusions which would teach me, in so far as such teach-
ing is possible, the nature and properties of the gift. (6:119) But in the
case of miracles, as our inquiry is a question purely philosophical
(namely, whether anything can happen which contravenes or does
not follow from the laws of nature), I was not under any such neces-
sity: I therefore thought it wiser to unravel the difficulty through pre-
mises ascertained and thoroughly known by the natural light of
reason. (6:119a) I say I thought it wiser, for I could also easily have
solved the problem merely from the doctrines and fundamental
principles of Scripture: in order that everyone may acknowledge
this, I will briefly show how it could be done.
(6:120) Scripture
makes the general assertion in several passages that
nature's course is fixed and unchangeable. (121) In Ps. cxlviii:6, for
instance, and Jer. xxxi:35. (6:122) The wise man also, in Eccles. i:10,
distinctly teaches that "there is nothing new under the sun," and in
verses 11, 12, illustrating the same idea, he adds that although
something occasionally happens which seems new, it is not really
new, but "hath been already of old time, which was before us,
whereof there is no remembrance, neither shall there be any
remembrance of things that are to come with those that come after."
(6:123) Again
in chap.
iii:11, he says, "God
hath made everything
{Ecc
3:14}
beautiful in his time,"
and immediately afterwards adds, "I
know that
whatsoever God doeth, it shall be for ever; nothing can be put to it,
nor anything taken from it."
(6:124) Now
all these texts teach most distinctly that nature preserves
a fixed and unchangeable order, and that G-D in all ages, known
and unknown, has been the same; further, that the laws of Nature
are so perfect, that nothing can be added thereto nor taken there-
from; and, lastly, that miracles only appear as something new
because of man's ignorance.
(6:125) Such
is the express teaching of Scripture:
nowhere does
Scripture assert that anything happens which contradicts, or cannot
follow from the laws of Nature; and, therefore, we should not attri-
bute to it such a doctrine.
(6:126) To
these considerations we must add, that
miracles require
page 97 causes and attendant circumstances, and that they follow,
not from some mysterious royal power which the masses attribute
to God, but from the Divine rule and decree, that is (as we have
shown from Scripture itself) from the laws and order of Nature;
lastly, that miracles can be wrought even by false prophets, as is
proved from Deut.
xiii. and Matt.
xxiv:24.
(6:127) The
conclusion, then, that is most plainly put before us is, that
miracles were natural occurrences, and must therefore be so
explained as to appear neither new (in the words of Solomon) nor
contrary to nature, but, as far as possible, in complete agreement
with ordinary events. (6:128) This can easily be done by anyone, now
that I have set forth the rules drawn from Scripture. (6:129) Never-
theless, though I maintain that Scripture teaches this doctrine, I do
not assert that it teaches it as a truth necessary to salvation, but
only that the prophets were in agreement with ourselves on the
point; therefore everyone is free to think on the subject as he likes,
according as he thinks it best
for himself, and most likely to con-
{to
lead or contribute to a result ^ }
duce to the worship
of G-D and to singlehearted
religion.
(6:130) This
is also the opinion of Josephus,
for at the conclusion of
the second book of his "Antiquities," he writes: Let no man think this
story incredible of the sea's dividing to save these people, for we
find it in ancient records that this hath been seen before, whether
by God's extraordinary will or by the course of nature it is indifferent.
(6:131) The same thing happened one time to the Macedonians, under
the command of Alexander, when for want of another passage the
Pamphylian Sea divided to make them way; God's Providence
making use of Alexander at that time as His instrument for destroy-
ing the Persian Empire. (6:132) This is attested by all the historians
who have pretended to write the Life of that Prince. (6:133) But people
are at liberty to think what they please."
(6:134) Such
are the words of Josephus, and such
is his opinion on
faith in miracles.
Page 98
CHAPTER VII.
OF THE INTERPRETATION
OF SCRIPTURE.
(7:1) When
people declare, as all are ready to do, that the Bible is the
Word of G-D teaching man true blessedness and the way of salva- Referral
tion, they evidently do not mean what they say; for the masses take
no pains at all to live according to Scripture, and we see most people
endeavouring to hawk about their own commentaries as the word of
God, and giving their best efforts, under the guise of religion, to com-
pelling others to think as they do: we generally see, I say, theolo-
gians anxious to learn how to wring their inventions
and sayings out
of the sacred text, and to fortify them
with Divine authority. (7:2)
Such
persons never display less scruple or more zeal
than when they are
{Spinoza's
intent - roo'-akh}
interpreting Scripture or
the mind of the Holy
Ghost; if we ever see
{the
third person of the Trinity. Also called <Holy Spirit>
^ }
them perturbed, it is not
that they fear to attribute some error to the
Holy Spirit, and to stray from the right path, but that they are afraid
to be convicted of error by others, and thus to overthrow and bring
into contempt their own authority. (7:3) But if men really believed what
they verbally testify of Scripture, they would adopt quite a different
plan of life: their minds would not be agitated by so many contentions,
nor so many hatreds, and they would cease to be excited by such
a blind and rash passion for interpreting the sacred writings, and
excogitating novelties in religion. (7:4) On the contrary, they would not
dare to adopt, as the teaching of Scripture, anything which they
could not plainly deduce therefrom: lastly, those sacrilegious persons
who have dared, in several passages, to interpolate the Bible, would
have shrunk from so great a crime, and would have stayed their
sacrilegious hands.
(7:5) Ambition
and unscrupulousness have waxed so powerful,
that
religion is thought to consist, not so much in respecting page 99 the
writings of the Holy Ghost, as in defending human commentaries,
so that religion is no longer identified with charity, but with spreading
discord and propagating insensate hatred disguised under the name Fences
of zeal for the Lord, and eager ardour.
(7:6) To
these evils we must add superstition,
which teaches men to
despise reason and Nature, and only to admire and venerate that
which is repugnant to both: whence it is not wonderful that for the
sake of increasing the admiration and veneration felt for Scripture,
men strive to explain it so as to make it appear to contradict, as far
as possible, both one and the other: thus they dream that most
profound mysteries lie hid in the Bible, and weary themselves out
in the investigation of these absurdities, to the neglect of what is
useful. (7:7) Every result of their diseased imagination they attribute
to the Holy Ghost, and strive to defend with the utmost zeal and
passion; for it is an observed fact that men employ their reason to
defend conclusions arrived at by reason, but conclusions arrived
at by the passions
are defended by the passions.
(7:8) If
we would separate ourselves from the crowd and escape from
theological prejudices, instead of rashly accepting human commen-
taries for Divine documents, we must consider the true method of
interpreting Scripture and dwell upon it at some length: for if we
remain in ignorance of this we cannot know, certainly,
what the Bible
Bk.XIV:2:3283.
and the Holy Spirit
wish to teach.
Bk.XIA:5920.
(7:9) I
may sum up the matter by saying that the method of interpreting
{
scientific
method }
Scripture
does not widely differ from
the method
of interpreting Nature
^ Bk.III:179.
—in fact, it is almost the same.
(10) For
as the interpretation of Nature
consists in the examination of
the history of Nature, and therefrom
Bk.XIA:81128.
deducing
definitions of natural
phenomena on certain fixed axioms,
so Scriptural interpretation proceeds by the examination of Scripture,
and inferring the intention of its authors as a legitimate conclusion
from its fundamental principles. (7:11) By working in this manner every-
one will always advance without danger of error—that is, if they ad-
mit no principles for interpreting Scripture, and discussing its contents
save such as they find in Scripture itself—and will be able with equal
security to discuss what page
100 surpasses our understanding, and
Bk.XIA:5920; 78117.
what is known by the natural light of reason.
Bk.XIA:6438
(7:12) In
order to make clear that such a method
is not only correct,
but is also the only one advisable, and that it agrees with that
employed in interpreting Nature, I must remark that Scripture very
often treats of matters which cannot be deduced from principles
known to reason: for it is chiefly made up of narratives and revela-
tion: the narratives generally contain miracles—that is, as we have
shown in the last chapter, relations of extraordinary natural occur-
rences adapted to the opinions and judgment of the historians who
recorded them: the revelations also were adapted to the opinions of
the prophets, as we showed in Chap. II., and in themselves sur-
passed human comprehension. (7:13) Therefore the knowledge of all
these—that is, of nearly the whole
contents of Scripture, must be
Bk.XIA:6337.
sought from Scripture
alone, even as the knowledge of Nature is
Bk.XIA:6438.
sought from nature.
(7:14) As
for the moral doctrines
which are also Moral
agent
contained in the Bible, they may be demonstrated from received
axioms, but we cannot prove in the same manner that Scripture
intended to teach them, this can only be learned from
Scripture itself.
(7:15) If
we would bear unprejudiced
witness to the Divine origin of
Scripture, we must prove solely on its own authority that it teaches
true moral doctrines, for by such means alone can its Divine origin
be demonstrated: we have shown that the certitude of the prophets
depended chiefly on their having minds turned towards what is just
and good, therefore we ought to have proof of their possessing this
quality before we repose faith in them. (7:16) From miracles God's
divinity cannot be proved, as I have already shown, and need not
now repeat, for miracles could be wrought by false prophets.
(7:17) Wherefore the Divine origin of Scripture must consist solely in its
teaching true virtue. (7:18) But we must come to our conclusion simply
on Scriptural grounds, for if we were unable to do so we could not,
unless strongly prejudiced accept the Bible and bear witness to its
Divine origin.
(7:19) Our
knowledge of Scripture must then be looked for in Scripture
only.
(7:20) Lastly,
Scripture does not give us definition
of things page
101 any Parkinson:2601
more than Nature does: therefore, such definitions must be sought in
in the latter case from the diverse workings of nature; in the former
case, from the various narratives about the given subject which
occur in the Bible.
(7:21) The
universal rule, then, in interpreting Scripture
is to accept
nothing as an authoritative Scriptural
statement which we do not
Bk.XIA:75100.
perceive very clearly when
we examine it in the light of its history.
(7:22) What
I mean by its history, and what should be the chief points
elucidated, I will now explain.
(7:23) The
history of a Scriptural statement comprises—
I. (7:23a) The
nature and properties of the language
in which the
books of the Bible were written, and in which their authors were,
accustomed to speak. (7:24) We shall thus be able to investigate
every expression by comparison with common conversational
usages.
I. Continued
{The
Hebrew Bible,}
(7:25) Now
all the writers both of ^ the
Old Testament, and the New
Bk.XIA:6439; Bk.XIX:10512.
were Hebrews: therefore,
a knowledge of the Hebrew
language is
before all things necessary, not
only for the comprehension of the
{The
Hebrew Bible and the, }
Old Testament, which was
written in that tongue, but also of the
New: for although the latter was published in other
languages, yet
Bk.XX:32413.
its characteristics are Hebrew.
II. (7:26)
An analysis of each
book and arrangement of its contents
under heads; so that we may have at hand the various texts which
treat of a given subject. (7:27)
Lastly, a note of all the passages which
Bk.XIA:6440.
are ambiguous or obscure,
or which seem mutually contradictory.
II. Continued
(7:28) I
call passages clear or obscure according as their meaning
is
inferred easily or with difficulty in relation to the context,
not accord-
ing as their truth is perceived easily or the reverse by reason.
(7:29) We are at work not on the truth of passages, but solely on their
meaning. (7:30)
We must take especial
care, when we are in search
Bk.XIA:75100.
of the meaning of a text,
not to be led away by our reason in so far
as it is founded on principles of natural knowledge (to say nothing
of prejudices): in order not to confound the meaning of a passage
with its truth,
we must examine it solely by means of the significa-
Bk.XIA:6648.
tion of the words, or
by a reason acknowledging no foundation but
(7:31) I
will illustrate my meaning by an example. (32)
The words page
102
{Exo
3:2} {Exo
20:5, Exo
34:14}
of Moses, "God
is a fire" and "God
is jealous," are perfectly clear
so Metaphors
long as we regard merely the signification of the words, and
I there-
fore reckon them among the clear passages,
though in relation to
reason and
truth they are most obscure: still,
although the literal
meaning is repugnant to the natural light
of reason, nevertheless,
if it cannot be clearly overruled on grounds
and principles derived
from its Scriptural "history," it, that
is, the literal meaning, must be
the one retained: and contrariwise if these passages
literally inter-
preted are found to clash with principles
derived from Scripture,
though such literal interpretation were in
absolute harmony with
reason, they must be interpreted
in a different manner,
i.e.
(7:33) If
we would know whether Moses believed God to be
a fire or
not, we must on no account decide the question on grounds
of the
Bk.XIA:79118;
Bk.XX:27995.
reasonableness or the reverse
of such an opinion, but must judge
solely by the other opinions of Moses which are on record.
II. Continued
(7:34) In
the present instance, as Moses
says in several other
passages that God has no likeness to any visible thing,
whether in
heaven or in earth, or in the water, either all such passages must
be taken metaphorically, or else the one before us must be so
explained. (7:35) However, as we should depart as little as possible
from the literal sense, we must first ask whether this text, God is a
fire, admits of any but the literal meaning—that is, whether the
word fire ever means anything besides ordinary natural fire.
(7:36) If no such second meaning can be found, the text must be
taken literally, however repugnant to reason it may be: and all the
other passages, though in complete accordance with reason, must
be brought into harmony with it. (7:37) If the verbal expressions
would not admit of being thus harmonized, we should have to set
them down as irreconcilable, and suspend our judgment concern-
ing them. (7:38) However, as we find the name fire applied to anger
and jealousy (see Job xxxi:12) we can thus easily reconcile the
words of Moses, and legitimately conclude that the two proposi-
tions God is a fire, and
God is jealous, are in meaning identical.
II. Continued
(7:39) Further,
as Moses clearly teaches that God
is jealous, and
nowhere states that God is without passions
or emotions, we must 5P17
evidently infer that Moses held
this page 103
doctrine himself, or at
{pedagogically}
any rate, that he wished ^
to teach it, nor must we refrain because
such a belief seems contrary to reason:
for as we have shown,
we cannot wrest the meaning of texts
to suit the dictates
of our
reason, or our preconceived opinions.
(7:40) The
whole knowledge
of the Bible must be sought solely from itself.
III. (7:41)
Lastly, such a history should relate
the environment of all the
prophetic books extant; that is, the life, the conduct, and the studies
of the author of each book, who he
was, what was the occasion,
and the epoch of his writing, whom
did he write for, and in what
language. (7:42) Further,
it should inquire into the fate of each book:
how it was first received, into
whose hands it fell, how many
different versions there were of it, by whose advice was it received
into the Bible, and, lastly, how all the books now
universally accept-
Bk.XIA:6441;
Bk.XX:27996.
ed as sacred, were united into a single
whole.
III. Continued
(7:43) All
such information should, as I have said, be contained in the
"history" of Scripture. (44)
For, in order to know what statements are
set forth as laws,
and what as moral precepts, it is
important to be
acquainted with the life, the conduct,
and the pursuits of their
author: moreover, it becomes easier to explain a man's writings in
proportion as we have more intimate
knowledge of his genius and
Bk.XX:27996.
temperament.
III. Continued
(7:45) Further,
that we may not confound precepts which are eternal
with those which served only a temporary
purpose, or were only
meant for a few, we should know what was the occasion,
the time,
the age, in which each book was written, and to what
nation it was
addressed.
III. Continued
(7:46) Lastly,
we should have knowledge on the other points
I have
mentioned, in order to be sure, in addition to the authenticity
of the
work, that it has not been tampered with by sacrilegious
hands, or
whether errors can have crept in, and,
if so, whether they have
been corrected by men sufficiently
skilled and worthy of credence.
(47) All
these things should be known, that we may not be
led away
by blind impulse to accept whatever is thrust on our notice,
instead
of only that which is sure and indisputable.
(7:48) Now
when we are in possession of this history of Scripture, and
have finally decided that we assert nothing
as prophetic doctrine
which does not directly follow from such page
104 history, or
which is
not clearly deducible from it, then, I
say, it will be time to gird our-
selves for the task of investigating the mind of the
prophets and of
the Holy Spirit. (7:49)
But in this further arguing, also, we shall
require
a method very like that employed in
interpreting nature from her
history. (7:50) As
in the examination of natural phenomena we try first
Bk.XIV:2:126.
to investigate what is
most universal and common
to all nature—
Bk.XIV:2:1264.
such, for instance, as
motion and rest, and their laws and rules,
which nature always observes, and through which she continually
works—and then we proceed to what is less universal; so, too, in
the history of Scripture, we seek first for that which is most univer-
sal, and serves for the basis
and foundation of all Scripture,
a
doctrine, in fact, that is commended by all the
prophets as eternal
Bk.XIA:79119.
and most profitable
to all men. (7:51)
For example, that God
is one,
and that He is omnipotent, that He alone should be worshipped,
that He has a care
for all men, and that He especially loves
those
Bk.XIA:80126;
Bk.XX:28097.
who adore Him and
love their
neighbour as themselves,
&c. Golden
Rule
(7:52) These and similar doctrines, I repeat, Scripture everywhere so
clearly and expressly teaches, that
no one was ever in doubt of its
Bk.XIA:81127.
meaning concerning them.
(7:53) The
nature of God,
His manner of regarding and providing for
things, and similar doctrines, Scripture nowhere
teaches profess-
edly {?, Ps. 145:16}, and as eternal doctrine; on the contrary, we
have shown that the prophets themselves did not agree on the
subject; therefore, we must not lay down any doctrine as Scriptural
on such subjects, though it may appear perfectly clear on rational
grounds.
(7:54) From
a proper knowledge of this universal doctrine
of Scripture,
we must then proceed to other doctrines less universal,
but which,
nevertheless, have regard to the general
conduct of life, and flow
from the universal doctrine like rivulets from
a source; such are all
particular external manifestations of true virtue, which need
a given
occasion for their exercise; whatever is obscure
or ambiguous on
such points in Scripture must be explained
and defined by its univer-
sal doctrine; with regard
to contradictory instances, we must observe
Bk.XIA:80122.
the occasion and the
time in which they were written.
(7:55) For
Bk.XIA:80123—Matt.
5:4.
instance, when Christ says,
"Blessed are they that mourn, for they
shall be comforted"
page 105
we do not know, from the
actual
passage, what sort of mourners are meant;
as, however, Christ
afterwards teaches that we should have care for nothing, save
only for the kingdom of God and His righteousness, which is com-
mended as the highest good (see Matt. vi. 33), it follows that by
mourners He only meant those who mourn for the kingdom of God
and righteousness neglected by man: for this would be the only
cause of mourning to those who
love nothing but the Divine king-
fairness—Bk.XIA:80123.
dom and justice, and
who evidently despise the gifts of fortune.
Matt.
5:39 Bk.XIA:80124—Lam.
3:25-30.
(7:56) So,
too, when Christ says: "But
if a man strike you on the right
Bk.XIB:582.
cheek, turn
to him the left also,"
and the words which follow.
(7:57) If
He had given such a command, as a lawgiver, to judges,
He
would thereby have abrogated the law
of Moses, but this He
expressly says He did not do (Matt.
v:17). (58) Wherefore
we must
consider who was the speaker, what was the occasion, and to whom
were the words addressed. (7:59)
Now Christ
said that He did not
ordain laws as a legislator, but inculcated
precepts as a teacher:
inasmuch as He did not aim at correcting outward actions
so much
Bk.XIA:106115.
as the frame of mind.
(7:60) Further,
these words were spoken to men
who were oppressed, who
lived in a corrupt commonwealth on the
brink of ruin, where justice was utterly
neglected. (7:61) The
very
doctrine inculcated here by Christ just before the destruction
of the
city was also taught by Jeremiah before
the first destruction of
Jerusalem, that is, in
similar circumstances, as we see from
Lamentations
iii:25-30.
(7:62) Now
as such teaching was only set forth by the prophets in times
of oppression, and was even then never laid down as a law; and
as,
on the other hand, Moses (who did not write in times of oppression,
Bk.XIA:105114.
but—mark this—strove to found
a well-ordered commonwealth), Constitution
while condemning envy and hatred of one's neighbour,
yet ordained
that an eye should be given for an eye, it follows most
clearly from
these purely Scriptural
grounds that this precept of Christ
and
Jeremiah concerning submission to injuries was only
valid in places
where justice is neglected, and in a time of oppression, but does not Martyr
Laws
hold good in a well-ordered state.
(7:63) In
a well-ordered state where justice
is administered every one
is bound, if he would be accounted just, to demand penalties
before the judge (see Lev:19:15), not for the page 106 sake of ven-
geance (Lev. xix:17, 18), but in order to defend justice and his
country's laws, and to prevent the wicked rejoicing in their wicked-
ness. (64) All this is plainly in accordance with reason. (7:65) I might
cite many other examples in the same manner, but I think the fore-
going are sufficient to explain my meaning and the utility of this
method, and this is all my present purpose. (7:66) Hitherto we have
only shown how to investigate those passages of Scripture which
treat of practical conduct, and which, therefore, are more easily
examined, for on such subjects there was never really any contro- Sacred
versy among the writers of the Bible.
(7:67) The
purely speculative passages
cannot be so easily traced to
their real meaning: the way becomes narrower, for as the prophets
Bk.XIA:80125.
differed in matters speculative among themselves,
and the narratives
Bk.XIA:7285
are in great measure adapted to the prejudices
of each age, we must
not, on any account infer the intention of one
prophet from clearer
passages in the writings of another; nor
must we so explain his
meaning, unless it is perfectly plain that
the two prophets were at
one in the matter.
(7:68) How
we are to arrive at the intention of
the prophets in such
cases I will briefly explain. (69)
Here, too, we must begin from the most
universal proposition,
inquiring first from the most clear Scriptural
statements what is the nature of prophecy
or revelation, and wherein
does it consist; then we must proceed to miracles,
and so on to what-
ever is most general till we come to
the opinions of a particular
prophet, and, at last,
to the meaning of a particular revelation,
prophecy, history, or miracle. (7:70)
We have already pointed out that
great caution is necessary not to confound the mind of a prophet
or
historian with the mind of the Holy Spirit
and the truth of the matter;
therefore I need not dwell further on the subject. (71)
I would, however,
here remark concerning the meaning of revelation,
that the present
method only teaches us what the prophets really saw or heard,
not
what they desired to signify or represent by symbols.
(7:72) The
latter
may be guessed at but cannot
be inferred with certainty from
Scriptural premises.
(7:73) We
have thus shown the plan for interpreting
Scripture, and
have, at the same time, demonstrated that it is the one and surest
way of investigating its true meaning. (7:74) I am page 107 willing
indeed to admit that those persons (if any such there be) would be
more absolutely certainly right, who have received either a trust-
worthy tradition or an assurance from the prophets themselves,
such as is claimed by the Pharisees; or who have a pontiff gifted
with infallibility in the interpretation of Scripture, such as the Roman
Catholics boast. (7:75) But as we can never be perfectly sure, either
of such a tradition or of the authority of the pontiff, we cannot found
any certain conclusion on either:
the one is denied by the oldest
sect of Christians, the other by the oldest sect of Jews. (7:76)
Indeed,
if we consider the series of years (to mention no other point)
accepted by the Pharisees from their Rabbis, during which time
they say they have handed down
the tradition from Moses, we
shall find that it is not correct, as I show elsewhere.
(7:77) Therefore
such a tradition should be received with extreme suspicion; and
although, according to our method, we are bound to consider as
uncorrupted the tradition of the Jews, namely, the meaning of the
Hebrew words which we received from them, we may accept the
latter while retaining our doubts about the former.
(7:78) No
one has ever been able to change the meaning
of a word
in ordinary use, though many have changed the meaning of a
particular sentence. (7:79) Such a proceeding would be most difficult;
for whoever attempted to change the meaning of a word, would be
compelled, at the same time, to explain all the authors who
employed it, each according to his temperament and intention, or
else, with consummate cunning, to falsify them.
(7:80) Further,
the masses and the learned alike preserve language,
but it is only the learned who preserve
the meaning of particular
sentences and books: thus, we may easily
imagine that the learned
having a very rare book in their power, might change or corrupt
the
meaning of a sentence in it, but they could not alter the signification
of the words; moreover, if anyone wanted to change the meaning of
a common word he would not be able to keep up the change among
Bk.XIA:74
99.
posterity, or in common parlance or writing.
(7:81) For
these and such-like reasons we may readily conclude that it
would never enter into the mind of
anyone to corrupt a language,
though the intention of a writer may page
108 often have been falsified
by changing his phrases or interpreting them amiss. (7:82)
As then our
method (based on the principle that the knowledge of Scripture
must
be sought from itself alone) is the sole true one, we
must evidently
renounce any knowledge which it cannot furnish
for the complete
understanding of Scripture. (7:83)
I will now point out
its difficulties
and shortcomings, which prevent our
gaining a complete and
assured knowledge of the Sacred Text.
(7:84) Its
first great difficulty consists in its requiring a thorough
know-
Bk.XIA:6439.
ledge of the Hebrew
language. (85) Where
is such knowledge to be
obtained? (7:86) The
men of old who employed the Hebrew tongue
have left none of the principles and bases of their language
to pos-
terity; we have from them absolutely nothing in the way of dictionary,
grammar, or rhetoric.
Bk.XIB:3774.
(7:87) Now
the Hebrew nation has lost all its grace and beauty (as one
would expect after the defeats and persecutions it has gone through),
and has only retained certain fragments of its language and of a few
books. (88) Nearly
all the names of fruits, birds, and fishes, and many
other words have perished in the wear and tear of time. (7:89)
Further,
the meaning of many nouns and verbs which occur in the Bible
are
either utterly lost, or are subjects of dispute. (7:90)
And not only are
Bk.XIA:6439.
these gone, but we are lacking
in a knowledge of Hebrew
phrase-
{Biblical
^ }
ology. (7:91)
The devouring tooth of
time has destroyed turns of
expression peculiar to the Hebrews, so that
we know them no more.
(7:92) Therefore
we cannot investigate as we would all the meanings
of a sentence by the uses of the
language; and there are many
phrases of which the meaning is most obscure or altogether inexplic-
able, though the component words are perfectly plain.
Bk.XIA:6439.
(7:93) To
this impossibility of tracing the history of the Hebrew
language
must be added its particular nature and composition: these give rise
to so many ambiguities that it is impossible to
find a method which
would enable us to gain a certain knowledge of all the statements
in
Scripture (7). (94)
In addition to the sources of ambiguities common
to
all languages, there are many peculiar to Hebrew. (7:95)
These, I think,
it worth while to mention.
(7:96) Firstly,
an ambiguity often arises in the Bible from our page
109
mistaking one letter for another similar
one. (97) The
Hebrews divide
the letters of the alphabet into five
classes, according to the five
organs of the month employed in pronouncing them, namely, the lips,
the tongue, the teeth, the palate, and the throat.
(7:98) For
instance,
Alpha, Ghet, Hgain, He, {Strong:
aw'-leph, khayth, ah'-yin, hay} are
called gutturals, and are barely distinguishable, by any sign that
we know, one from the other. (7:99) Ale {Strong: 413}, which signifies
"to", is often taken for al, {Strong:5921}, which signifies "above", and
vice versâ. (7:100) Hence sentences are often rendered rather ambigu-
ous or meaningless.
(7:101) A
second difficulty arises from
the multiplied meaning of
conjunctions and adverbs. (7:102) For instance, vau{v}, {see Gesenius}
serves promiscuously for a particle of union or of separation,
meaning, and, but, because, however, then: ki, {kee, Strong:3588},
has seven or eight meanings, namely, wherefore, although, if,
when, inasmuch as, because, a burning, &c., and so on with almost
all particles.
(7:103) The
third very fertile source of doubt is the
fact that Hebrew
verbs in the indicative mood lack the
present, the past imperfect,
the pluperfect, the future perfect, and other tenses
most frequently
employed in other languages; in the imperative and infinitive moods
they are wanting in all except the present, and a subjunctive
mood
does not exist. (7:104)
Now, although all these defects
in moods and
tenses may be supplied by certain fundamental
rules of the lan-
guage with ease and even elegance, the ancient writers evidently
neglected such rules altogether, and employed indifferently future
for present and past, and vice versâ past for future, and also indic-
ative for imperative and subjunctive, with the result of considerable
confusion.
(7:105) Besides
these sources of ambiguity there are two others, one
very important. (106)
Firstly, there are in Hebrew no vowels;
secondly,
the sentences are not separated by
any marks elucidating the
meaning or separating the clauses. (7:107)
Though the want of these
two has generally been supplied by points and accents, such substi-
tutes cannot be accepted by us, inasmuch
as they were invented
and designed by men of
an after age whose authority should
carry no weight. (7:108)
The ancients wrote without
points (that is,
without vowels and accents), as is abundantly testified; their
descendants, {Masoretics:
a body of scribal notes that form
a
textual guide to the Hebrew
Bible, compiled from the 6th to 10th
centuries}, added what was lacking, according to
their own page 110
ideas of Scriptural interpretation; wherefore
the existing accents and
points are simply current interpretations,
and are no more authorita-
tive than any other commentaries.
(7:109) Those
who are ignorant of this fact cannot justify the author of
the Epistle to the Hebrews for interpreting
(chap.
xi:21) Genesis
(xlvii:31) very differently from the version
given in our Hebrew text
as at present pointed, as though the Apostle
had been obliged to
learn the meaning of Scripture from those
who added the points.
(7:110) In
my opinion the latter are clearly wrong. (111)
In order that every-
one may judge for himself, and also see how the discrepancy arose
simply from the want of vowels, I
will give both interpretations.
(7:112) Those
who pointed our version read, "And
Israel bent himself
over, or (changing Hqain into Aleph, a similar letter) towards, the
head of the bed." (7:113) The author of the Epistle reads, "And Israel
bent himself over the head of his staff," substituting mate, {mat-teh',
Strong:4294-staff},
for mita, {mit-taw', Strong:4296-bed},
from which
it only differs in respect of vowels. (7:114)
Now as in this narrative it
is
Jacob's age only that is in question, and not his illness, which is not
touched on till the next chapter, it seems more likely that the histor-
ian intended to say that Jacob bent over the head of his staff (a
thing commonly used by men of advanced age for their support)
than that he bowed himself at the head of his bed, especially as for
the former reading no substitution of letters is required. (7:115) In this
example I have desired not only to reconcile the passage in the
Epistle with the passage in Genesis, but also and chiefly to illustrate
how little trust should be placed in the points and accents which are
found in our present Bible, and so to prove that he who would be
without bias in interpreting Scripture should hesitate about accept-
ing them, and inquire afresh for himself.
(7:116) Such
being the nature
Bk.XIA:6439.
and structure of the
Hebrew language, one may easily understand
that many difficulties are likely to arise, and that no possible method
could solve all of them. (7:117) It is useless to hope for a way out of
our difficulties in the comparison of various parallel passages (we
have shown that the only method of discovering the true sense of a
passage out of many alternative ones is to see what are the usages
of the language), for this comparison of parallel passages can only
accidentally throw page 111 light on a difficult point, seeing that the
prophets never wrote with the express object of explaining their own
phrases or those of other people, and also because we cannot infer
the meaning of one prophet or apostle by the meaning of another,
unless on a purely practical question, not when the matter is specu-
lative, or if a miracle, or history is being narrated. (7:118) I might illu-
strate my point with instances, for there are many inexplicable
phrases in Scripture, but I would rather pass on to consider the
difficulties and imperfections
of the method under discussion.
(7:119) A
further difficulty attends the method, from
the fact that it
requires the history of all that has
happened to every book in the
Bible; such a history we are often quite unable to furnish.
(120) Of
the
authors, or (if the expression be preferred), the writers of many of the
books, we are either in complete ignorance, or at any
rate in doubt,
as I will point out at length. (7:121)
Further, we do not know either the
occasions or the epochs when these books of unknown authorship
were written; we cannot say into what hands they fell,
nor how the
numerous varying versions originated; nor, lastly,
whether there
were not other versions, now lost. (122)
I have briefly shown that such
knowledge is necessary, but I passed over certain
considerations
which I will now draw attention to.
(7:123) If
we read a book which contains incredible
or impossible
Bk.XIA:6442.
narratives, or is written
in a very obscure style, and if we know
nothing of its author, nor of the time or occasion of its being written,
we shall vainly endeavour to gain any certain knowledge of
its true
meaning. (7:124)
For being in ignorance
on these points we cannot
possibly know the aim or intended aim of the author;
if we are fully
informed, we so order our thoughts as not
to be in any way preju-
diced either in ascribing to the author or
him for whom the author
wrote either more or less than his meaning, and
we only take into
consideration what the author may have had
in his mind, or what
the time and occasion demanded. (7:125)
I think this must be tolerably
evident to all.
(7:126) It
often happens that in different books
we read histories in
themselves similar, but which we judge very differently, according to
the opinions we have formed of the authors. (7:127) I remember once
to have read in some book
page 112
that a man named Orlando
Bk.XIA:6443.
Furioso used to drive
a kind of winged monster through the
air,
fly over any countries he liked, kill unaided vast numbers of men
and giants, and such like fancies, which from the point of view of
reason are obviously absurd. (7:128) A very similar story I read in Ovid
of Perseus, and also in the books of Judges and Kings of Samson,
who alone and unarmed killed thousands of men, and of Elijah, who
flew through the air, said at last went up to heaven in a chariot of
fire, with horses of fire. (7:129) All these stories are obviously alike,
but we judge them very differently. (7:130) The first only sought to
amuse, the second had a political object, the third a religious object.
(7:131) We gather this simply from the opinions we had previously
formed of the authors. (7:132) Thus it is evidently necessary to know
something of the authors of writings
which are obscure or unintel-
Bk.XIA:6547.
ligible, if we would interpret their meaning;
and for the same reason,
in order to choose the proper reading from among a great variety,
we ought to have information as to the versions in which the differ-
ences are found, and as to the possibility of other readings having
been discovered by persons of greater authority.
(7:133) A
further difficulty attends this method in the case of
some of
the books of Scripture, namely, that they are no longer extant in
their original language. (133a)
The Gospel according to Matthew, and
certainly the Epistle to the Hebrews, were written,
it is thought, in
Hebrew, though they no longer exist in that
form. (7:134) Aben
Ezra
affirms in his commentaries that the book of Job was translated
into
Bk.XIA:6547.
Hebrew out of another
language, and that its obscurity arises from
this fact. (7:135)
I say nothing of the
apocryphal books, for their
authority stands on very inferior ground.
(7:136) The
foregoing difficulties in this method of interpreting Scripture
from its own history, I conceive to be so great that I do not hesitate
to
Bk.XIA:6444.
say that the true meaning of Scripture
is in many places inexplicable,
or at best mere subject for guesswork; but I must again point out, on
the other hand, that such difficulties only arise when we endeavour
to follow the meaning of a prophet in matters which
cannot be per-
ceived, but only imagined, not in things, whereof the understanding
can give a clear idea, and which are conceivable through themselves:
(8) matters page
113 which by their nature
are easily perceived cannot
be expressed so obscurely as to be unintelligible; as the proverb says,
Bk.XIA:6444.
"a
word is enough to the wise." (7:137)
Euclid,
who only wrote of matters
very simple and easily understood, can easily be comprehended
by
anyone in any language; we can follow his intention perfectly, and be
certain of his true meaning, without having a thorough knowledge
of
the language in which he wrote; in fact, a quite rudimentary acquaint-
ance is sufficient. (7:138)
We need make no researches concerning the
life, the pursuits, or the habits of the author; nor
need we inquire in
what language, nor when he wrote, nor the vicissitudes of his
book,
nor its various readings, nor how, nor by whose advice
it has been
received.
(7:139) What
we here say of Euclid might equally be said of any book
which treats of things by their nature perceptible: thus we
conclude
that we can easily follow the intention of Scripture in moral
questions,
from the history we possess of it,
and we can be sure of its true
meaning.
(7:140) The
precepts of true piety are expressed
in very ordinary
Bk.XIA:81129.
language, and are equally simple and easily
understood. (141) Further,
as true salvation and
blessedness consist
in a true assent of the
soul—and we truly assent only to
what we clearly understand—it is
most plain that we can follow with certainty the intention of Scripture
in matters relating to salvation and necessary to blessedness;
therefore, we need not be much troubled about what remains:
such matters, inasmuch as we generally cannot grasp them with
our reason and understanding, are
more curious than
profitable.
(7:142) I
think I have now set forth the true
method of Scriptural inter-
pretation, and have sufficiently explained
my own opinion thereon.
(143) Besides,
I do not doubt that everyone will see that such a method
Bk.XIA:78115.
only requires the aid of natural reason. (7:144)
The nature and efficacy
of the natural reason consists in deducing
and proving the unknown
from the known, or in carrying premises to their legitimate conclusions;
and these are the very processes which
our method desiderates.
(7:145) Though
we must admit that it does not suffice to explain every-
thing in the Bible, such imperfection does
not spring from its own
nature, but from the fact that the path which it teaches us, as the true
one, has page
114 never been tended or
trodden by men, and has
Bk.XIX:562.
thus, by the lapse of time,
become very difficult, and almost impass-
able, as, indeed, I have shown in the difficulties
I draw attention to.
(7:146) There
only remains to examine the opinions of those who differ
from me.
(7:147) The
first which comes under our notice is, that the light of nature
has no power to interpret Scripture, but that a supernatural faculty is
required for the task. (148)
What is meant by this supernatural faculty
I will leave to its propounders to explain. (7:149)
Personally, I can only
suppose that they have adopted a very obscure way
of stating their
complete uncertainty about the true meaning of Scripture.
(7:150) If
we
look at their interpretations, they
contain nothing supernatural,
at least nothing but the merest conjectures.
(7:151)
Let them be placed side by side with the interpretations
of those
who frankly confess that they have no faculty beyond
their natural
ones; we shall see that the two are just alike—both human, both long
pondered over, both laboriously invented. (152)
To say that the natural
reason is insufficient for such results is plainly untrue,
firstly, for the
reasons above stated, namely, that
the difficulty of interpreting
Scripture arises from no defect in human reason, but simply from the
Bk.XIA:80121—wicked
conduct.
carelessness (not to say malice) of men
who neglected the history of
the Bible while there were still materials for inquiry; secondly, from
the
fact (admitted, I think, by all) that the supernatural faculty is
a Divine
gift granted only to the faithful. (7:153)
But the prophets and apostles
did not preach to the faithful only, but
chiefly to the unfaithful and
wicked. (7:154) Such
persons, therefore, were able to understand the
intention of the prophets and apostles, otherwise the
prophets and
apostles would have seemed to be preaching to little boys and infants,
not to men endowed with reason. (155)
Moses, too, would have given
his laws in vain, if they could only be comprehended
by the faithful,
who need no law.
(7:156) Indeed,
those who demand supernatural
faculties for comprehending the meaning
of the prophets and
apostles seem truly lacking in natural faculties,
so that we should
hardly suppose such persons the possessors
of a Divine super-
natural gift.
(7:157)
The opinion of Maimonides,
{Rabbi Moses ben Maimon,
1135-1204,
physician, philosopher and jurist.},
was widely different. page
115 (7:158)
He asserted that each passage in Scripture
admits of various, nay,
Bk.XIA:7497,
98.
contrary, meanings; but
that we could never be certain of any
particular one till we knew that the
passage, as we interpreted it,
contained nothing contrary or repugnant to reason.
(7:159) If
the literal
meaning clashes with reason, though the passage
seems in itself
perfectly clear, it must be interpreted in some
metaphorical sense.
(7:160) This
doctrine he lays down very plainly in chap. xxv. part
ii. of
Bk.XIA:75101,
102, 103, & 104 .
his book, "More
Nebuchim," for he says: "Know that we shrink
not
from affirming that the world hath existed from eternity,
because of
what Scripture saith concerning
the world's creation. (7:161)
For the
texts which teach that the world was created are not more in number
than those which teach that God hath
a body; neither are the
approaches in this matter of the world's
creation closed, or even
made hard to us: so that we should not be
able to explain what is
written, as we did when we showed that
God hath no body, nay,
peradventure, we could explain and make fast
the doctrine of the
world's eternity more easily than we did away with the doctrines that
God hath a beatified body. (7:162)
Yet two things hinder me from doing
Bk.XIA:75101,
102, 103, 104 & 105.
as I have said, and
believing that the world is eternal.
(7:163) As
it hath
been clearly shown that God hath not
a body, we must perforce
explain all those passages whereof the literal sense agreeth not with
the demonstration, for sure it is that
they can be so explained.
(7:164) But the eternity
of the world hath not been so demonstrated,
therefore it is not necessary to do violence to Scripture
in support of
some common opinion, whereof we might, at the bidding of reason,
embrace the contrary."
(7:165)
Such are the words
of Maimonides, and
they are evidently
sufficient to establish our point: for if
he had been convinced by
Bk.XIA:76106.
reason that the world is eternal, he would
not have hesitated to twist
and explain away the words of Scripture till he made them appear to
teach this doctrine. (166)
He would have felt quite sure that Scripture,
though everywhere plainly denying the eternity
of the world, really
Bk.XIA:7184,
7498.
intends to teach it.
(7:167) So
that, however clear the meaning of
Scripture may be, he
would not feel certain of having grasped it,
Bk.XIA:7184.
so long as he remained
doubtful of the truth of what was written.
(7:168) For
we are in doubt whether a thing
is page 116
in conformity
with reason, or contrary thereto, so long as we are uncertain of its
truth, and, consequently, we cannot be sure whether the literal
meaning of a passage be true or false.
Bk.XIA:77107.
(7:169)
If such a theory as this were sound,
I would certainly grant that
some faculty beyond the natural reason is required for
interpreting
Scripture. (7:170)
For nearly all things that we find
in Scripture cannot
be inferred from known principles of the
natural reason {but are
inferred from intuition},
and, therefore, we should be unable to come
to any conclusion about their truth, or about the
real meaning and
intention of Scripture, but should stand in need of some further
assistance.
(7:171)
Further, the truth of this
theory would involve that the masses,
Bk.XIA:4076.
having generally no comprehension of, nor
leisure for, detailed
proofs, would be reduced to
receiving all their knowledge of
Scripture on the authority and testimony of philosophers, and,
consequently, would be compelled to suppose that the interpreta-
tions given by philosophers were infallible.
(7:172)
Truly this would be a new form of ecclesiastical
authority, and a
new sort of priests or pontiffs, more likely to excite men's ridicule than
Bk.XIA:77107.
their veneration. (173)
Certainly our method demands a knowledge of
Hebrew for which the masses have no leisure; but no such objection
as the foregoing can be brought
against us. (7:174) For
the ordinary
Jews or Gentiles, to whom the prophets and apostles preached and
wrote, understood the language, and, consequently, the intention of
the prophet or apostle addressing them; but they did
not grasp the
intrinsic reason of what was
preached, which, according to
Bk.XIB:3775.
Maimonides,
would be necessary for
an understanding of it.
(7:175)
There is nothing, then,
in our method which renders it neces-
Bk.XIA:77112
sary that the masses
should follow the testimony of commentators,
for I point to a set of unlearned people who understood the lan-
guage of the prophets and apostles; whereas Maimonides could not
point to any such who could arrive at the prophetic or apostolic
meaning through their knowledge
of the causes
of things.
(7:176)
As to the multitude of our own time, we have
shown that whatso-
ever is necessary to salvation,
though its reasons may be unknown,
can easily be understood in any language,
page 117
because it is
Bk.XIA:78113—familiar.
thoroughly ordinary and usual; it is in
such understanding as this that
the masses acquiesce, not in the testimony
of commentators; with unlearned
regard to other questions, the ignorant and
the learned fare alike.
(7:177)
But let us return to
the opinion of Maimonides,
and examine it
more closely. (177a) In
the first place, he supposes that the prophets
were in entire agreement one with another, and that they were
consummate philosophers and theologians; for he would have them
to have based their conclusions on the absolute truth. (7:178) Further,
he supposes that the sense of Scripture cannot be made plain from
Scripture itself, for the truth of things is not made plain therein (in
that it does not prove any thing, nor teach the matters of which it
speaks through their definitions and first causes), therefore, accord-
ing to Maimonides, the true sense of Scripture cannot be made
plain from itself, and must not be there sought.
(7:179)
The falsity of such a doctrine
is shown in this very chapter, for
we have shown both by reason and examples that the meaning
of
Scripture is only made plain through Scripture
itself, and even in
questions deducible from ordinary knowledge should be looked
for
from no other source.
(7:180)
Lastly, such a theory supposes
that we may explain the words
of Scripture according to our preconceived opinions,
twisting them
about, and reversing or completely changing the literal sense,
how-
ever plain it may be. (7:181)
Such licence is utterly
opposed to the
teaching of this and the preceding chapters, and, moreover,
will be
evident to everyone as rash and excessive.
(7:182) But
if we grant all this licence, what
can it effect after all?
Absolutely nothing. (7:183) Those things which cannot be demonstrat-
ed, and which make up the greater part of Scripture, cannot be
examined by reason, and cannot therefore be explained or interpret-
ed by this rule; whereas, on the contrary, by following our own
method, we can explain many questions of this nature, and discuss
them on a sure basis, as we have already shown, by reason and
example. (7:184) Those matters which are by their nature comprehen-
sible we can easily explain, as has been pointed out, simply by
means of the context.
(7:185) Therefore,
the method of Maimonides
is clearly useless:
page 118 to which we may add, that it does away with all the certainty
which the masses acquire by candid reading, or which is gained by
any other persons in any other
way. (7:186) In
conclusion, then, we
Bk.XIB:3775.
dismiss Maimonides'
theory as harmful,
useless, and absurd.
(7:187)
As to the tradition of the Pharisees,
we have already shown that
it is not consistent, while the authority of the popes of Rome
stands
in need of more credible evidence; the latter, indeed, I reject
simply
on this ground, for if the popes could point out to us the meaning
of
Scripture as surely as
did the high priests of the Jews, I should not
be deterred by the fact that there
have been heretic and impious
Roman pontiffs; for among the Hebrew high-priests of old there were
also heretics and impious men who gained the high-priesthood
by
improper means, but who, nevertheless, had Scriptural sanction
for
their supreme power of interpreting the law. (See
Deut. xvii:11,
12,
and xxxiii:10,
also Malachi
ii:8.)
(7:188) However,
as the popes can show no such sanction, their author-
ity remains open to very grave doubt, nor should anyone be deceived
by the example of the Jewish high-priests and think that the Catholic
religion also stands in need of a pontiff; he should bear in
mind that
the laws of Moses being also the ordinary
laws of the country,
necessarily required some public authority to insure their observance;
for, if everyone were free to interpret the laws
of his country as he
pleased, no state could stand, but would
for that very reason be
dissolved at once, and public
rights would become private
rights.
(7:189) With
religion the case is widely different.
Inasmuch as it consists
Bk.XIA:81130—sincerity
of heart.
not so much in outward actions as in simplicity
and truth of character,
it stands outside the sphere of law and public authority. (190)
Simplicity
and truth of character are not produced by the constraint of laws,
nor
by the authority of the state, no one
the whole world over can be
forced or legislated into a state of blessedness;
the means required
for such a consummation are faithful and brotherly admonition, sound
education, and, above all, free
use of the individual judgment.
(7:191)Therefore,
as the supreme right of free thinking, even on religion,
is in every man's power, and as it is inconceivable
page 119
that such
Bk.XIA:15345.
power could be alienated, it is also in
every man's power to wield the
supreme right and authority of free judgment
in this behalf, and to
Bk.XIA:81134,15346;
Bk.XX:28097.
explain and interpret religion
for himself. (7:192)
The only reason for
Bk.XIA:15448.
vesting the supreme authority
in the interpretation of law, and
judg-
ment on public affairs in the hands
of the magistrates, is that it
concerns questions of public right. (7:193)
Similarly the supreme author-
ity in explaining religion, and in passing judgment thereon, is lodged
with the individual because it concerns questions of
individual right.
(7:194) So
far, then, from the authority of the Hebrew high-priests telling
in confirmation of the authority of the
Roman pontiffs to interpret
religion, it would rather tend to establish individual
freedom of judg-
ment. (7:195) Thus
in this way also, we have shown that our method of
interpreting Scripture is
the best. (7:196)
For as the highest power of
Scriptural interpretation belongs to every man, the rule for such inter-
pretation should be nothing but the natural light
of reason which is
Bk.XIA:78115;
Bk.XX:27892.
common to all—not any supernatural
light nor any external authority;
moreover, such a rule ought not to be so difficult that
it can only be
applied by very skilful philosophers, but
should be adapted to the
Bk.XIA:78116.
natural and ordinary faculties and capacity
of mankind. (197) And
such
I have shown our method to be, for such difficulties
as it has arise
from men's carelessness, and are no part of its nature.
Page 120
CHAPTER VIII.
(8:1) In
the former chapter we treated of the foundations and principles
of Scriptural knowledge, and showed
that it consists solely in a trust-
worthy history of the sacred writings; such
a history, in spite of its
indispensability, the ancients neglected, or at any rate, whatever they
may have written or handed down has perished in the lapse
of time,
consequently the groundwork for such an investigation
is to a great
extent, cut from under us. (8:2)
This might be put up with if succeeding
generations had confined themselves within the limits
of truth, and
had handed down conscientiously what few
particulars they had
received or discovered without any additions from their
own brains:
as it is, the history of the Bible is not so much imperfect
as untrust-
worthy: the foundations are not only
too scanty for building upon,
but are also unsound. (8:3)
It is part of my purpose to remedy
these
defects, and to remove common theological prejudices. (4)
But I fear
that I am attempting my task too late,
for men have arrived at the
pitch of not suffering contradiction, but defending obstinately
what-
ever they have adopted under the name
of religion. (5)
So widely
have these prejudices taken possession of men's minds,
that very
few, comparatively speaking, will listen to reason.
(8:6) However,
I will
make the attempt, and spare no efforts, for
there is no positive
reason for
despairing of success.
(8:7) In
order to treat the subject methodically,
I will begin with the
received opinions concerning the true authors of the sacred
books,
and in the first place, speak of the author of the Pentateuch,
who is
almost universally supposed to have been Moses. (8)
The Pharisees
are so firmly convinced of his identity, that they account as
a heretic
anyone who differs from them on the subject. (8:9)
Wherefore, Aben
Bk.XIB:3776.
Ezra,
page 121
a man of enlightened intelligence,
and no small
Bk.XIA:5714.
learning, who was the
first, so far as I know, to treat of this opinion,
dared not express his meaning openly,
but confined himself to dark
hints which I shall not scruple to elucidate,
thus throwing, full light
on the subject.
(8:10) The
words of Aben Ezra
which occur in his commentary on
Deuteronomy are as follows: "Beyond Jordan, &c. . . . . If so be that
thou understandest the mystery of the twelve . . . . moreover Moses
wrote the law . . . . .The Canaanite was then in the land . . . . it shall
be revealed on the mount of
God . . . . then also behold his bed, his
iron bed, then shalt thou know the truth."
(11) In
these few words he
hints, and also shows that it was not Moses who
wrote the Penta-
teuch, but someone who lived long after
him, and further, that
the book which Moses wrote was something different from any now
extant.
(8:12) To
prove this, I say, he draws attention to the facts:
I. (8:13)
That the preface to
Deuteronomy could not have been
written by Moses, inasmuch as
he had never crossed the Jordan.
II. (8:14)
That the whole book
of Moses was written at full length on
the circumference of a single altar (Deut. xxvii:6, and Josh. viii:30),
which altar, according to the Rabbis, consisted of only twelve
stones: therefore the book of Moses must have been of far less
extent than the Pentateuch. (8:15)
This is what our author
means,
I think, by the mystery of the twelve,
unless he is referring to the
twelve curses contained in the chapter of Deuteronomy above
cited, which he thought could not have been contained in the law,
because Moses bade the Levites read them after the recital of the
law, and so bind the people to its observance. (8:16) Or again, he
may have had in his mind the last chapter of Deuteronomy which
treats of the death of Moses, and which contains twelve verses.
(817) But there is no need to dwell further on these and similar
conjectures.
Bk.XIA:6755.
III. (8:18)
That in Deut.
xxxi:9, the expression occurs, "and
Moses
wrote the law:" words that cannot be ascribed to Moses, but must
be those of some other writer narrating the deeds and writings of
Moses.
IV. (8:19)
That in Genesis
xii:6, the historian, after narrating
that
Abraham journeyed through the land of Canaan,
adds, page 122
"and
the Canaanite was then in the land,"
thus clearly excluding
Bk.XIA:6758.
the time at which he
wrote. (8:20)
So that this passage must have
been written after the death of Moses,
when the Canaanites had
been driven out, and no longer possessed the land.
IV Continued
(8:21) Aben
Ezra, in his commentary on the passage,
alludes to the
difficulty as follows:- "And
the Canaanite was then in the land: it
appears that Canaan, the grandson of Noah,
took from another
the land which bears his name; if this
be not the true meaning,
there lurks some mystery in the passage,
and let him who under-
stands it keep silence."
(8:22) That
is, if Canaan invaded those Heresies
regions, the sense will be,
the Canaanite was then in the land, in
contradistinction to the time when it had
been held by another:
but if, as follows from Gen.
chap. x. Canaan was the first to
inhabit the land, the text must mean
to exclude the time present,
that is the time at which it was
written; therefore it cannot be the
work of Moses, in whose time
the Canaanites still possessed
those territories: this is the mystery concerning
which silence is
recommended.
Bk.XIA:6759.
V. (8:23)
That in Genesis
xxii:14 Mount Moriah is called the mount
of God (9), a name
which it did not acquire till after the building of
the Temple; the choice of the mountain was
not made in the time
of Moses, for Moses does not point
out any spot as chosen by
God; on the contrary, he foretells that God will at some
future time
choose a spot to which this name will be given.
VI. (8:24)
Lastly, that in Deut.
3:11, in the passage relating to Og,
king of Bashan, these words are inserted:
"For only
Og king of
Bashan remained of the remnant of giants:
behold, his bedstead
was a bedstead of iron: is it not
in Rabbath of the children of
Ammon? nine cubits was the length thereof,
and four cubits the
breadth of it, after the cubit of a man."
(8:25) This
parenthesis most
plainly shows that its writer lived long
after Moses; for this mode
of speaking is only employed by one
treating of things long past,
and pointing to relics for the sake
of gaining credence: moreover,
this bed was almost certainly first
discovered by David, who con-
Bk.XIA:6760.
quered the city of Rabbath
(2 Sam. xii:30.)
(8:26) Again,
the historian
{Num
32:41}
a little further on inserts
after the words of Moses, "Jair,
the son
page 123
of Manasseh, took
all the country of Argob unto
the
coasts of Geshuri and Maachathi;
and called them after his own
name, Bashan-havoth-jair, unto this day."
(8:27) This passage, I say,
is inserted to explain the
words of Moses which precede
it.
{Deu
3:13}
(8:28) "And
the rest of Gilead, and all Bashan, being the kingdom
of
Og, gave I unto the half tribe of Manasseh; all
the region of Argob,
with all Bashan, which is called the
land of the giants." (8:29)
The
Hebrews in the time of the writer indisputably knew what territories
belonged to the tribe of Judah, but
did not know them under the
name of the jurisdiction of
Argob, or the land of the
giants.
(8:30) Therefore
the writer is compelled to explain what these places
were which were anciently so styled, and at the same
time to point
out why they were at the time of his writing known
by the name of
Jair, who was of the tribe of Manasseh, not of Judah.
(8:31) We
have thus made clear the meaning of Aben
Ezra and also
the passages of the Pentateuch which he cites in proof of his con-
tention. (8:32) However, Aben Ezra does not call attention to every
instance, or even the chief ones; there remain many of greater
importance, which may be cited.
Namely:
I. (8:33)
that the writer of
the books in question not only speaks of
Bk.XIA:6756.
Moses in the third person,
but also bears witness to many details
concerning him; for instance, "Moses
talked with God;" "The
Lord
spoke with Moses face to face; "
"Moses was the meekest of men"
(Numb. xii:3);"
"Moses was wrath with
the captains of the host;"
"Moses, the man of
God," "Moses,
the servant of the Lord, died;"
"There was never a prophet in Israel
like unto Moses," &c.
(8:34) On
the other hand, in Deuteronomy, where the law which
Moses had
expounded to the people and written is
set forth, Moses speaks
and declares what he has done in the
first person: "God spake
with me" (Deut. ii:1,
17, &c.),
" I prayed to the Lord," &c.
(8:35) Except
at the end of the book, when the historian, after relating the words
of Moses, begins again to speak in the third person, and to tell how
Moses handed over the law which he had expounded to the people
in writing, again admonishing them, and further, how Moses ended
his life. (8:36) All these details, the manner of narration, the testimony,
and the context of the whole story lead to the plain conclusion
page 124 that these books were written by another, and not by
Moses in person.
II. (8:37)
We must also remark
that the history relates not only the
manner of Moses' death and burial, and the
thirty days' mourning
of the Hebrews, but further compares him
with all the prophets
who came after him, and
states that he surpassed them all.
{Deu
34:10}
(8:38) "There
was never a prophet in Israel like unto Moses, whom the
Lord knew face to face." (8:39) Such testimony cannot have been
given of Moses by himself, nor by any who immediately succeeded
him, but it must come from someone who lived centuries
afterwards,
Bk.XIA:6757. {Deu
34:6}
especially, as the historian
speaks of past times. (8:40)
"There was
never a prophet," &c. (8:41) And of the place of burial, "No one knows
it to this day."
III. (8:42)
We must note that some
places are not styled by the
names they bore during Moses'
lifetime, but by others which they
obtained subsequently. (8:43)
For instance, Abraham is said to
have
pursued his enemies even unto Dan, a name not bestowed
on the
city till long after the death of Joshua (Gen.
xiv;14, Judges
xviii;29).
IV. (8:44)
The narrative is prolonged
after the death of Moses, for in
Exodus xvi:35
we read that " the
children of Israel did eat manna
forty years until they came to a land
inhabited, until they came
unto the borders of the land of Canaan."
(8:45) In
other words, until
the time alluded to in Joshua
vi:12.
IV Continued
(8:46) So,
too, in Genesis
xxxvi:31 it is stated, "These
are the kings
that reigned in Edom
before there reigned any king over the chil-
dren of Israel." (8:47)
The historian, doubtless, here relates the
kings
of Idumæa before that territory was conquered by David (10) and
garrisoned, as we read in 2
Sam. viii:14.
(8:48) From
what has been said, it is thus clearer than the sun at noon-
day that the Pentateuch was not written by Moses, but by someone
who lived long after Moses. (8:49)
Let us now turn our
attention to
the books which Moses actually did write, and which are cited in
the Pentateuch; thus, also, shall we see that they were different
from the Pentateuch. (8:50) Firstly, it appears from Exodus xvii:14 that
Moses, by the command of God, wrote an account of the war
against Amalek. (8:51) The book in which he did so is not named in
page 125 the chapter just quoted, but in Numb. xxi:12 a book is
referred to under the title of the wars of God, and doubtless this
war against Amalek and the castrametations said in Numb. xxxiii:2
to have been written by Moses are therein described. (8:52) We hear
also in Exod. xxiv:4 of another book called the Book of the Cov-
enant, which Moses read before the Israelites when
they first made
Strong:1285
from 1262
a covenant with God. (53)
But this book or this writing contained very
little, namely, the laws or commandments of God which we find in
Exodus xx:22 to the end of chap. xxiv., and this no one will deny
who reads the aforesaid chapter rationally and impartially. (8:54) It is
there stated that as soon as Moses had learnt the feeling of the
people on the subject of making a covenant with God, he immedi-
ately wrote down God's laws and utterances, and in the morning,
after some ceremonies had been performed, read out the conditions
of the covenant to an assembly of the whole people. (8:55) When
these had been gone through, and doubtless understood by all, the
whole people gave their assent.
(8:56) Now
from the shortness of the time taken in its perusal and also
from its nature as a compact, this
document evidently contained
nothing more than that which we have just described. (8:57)
Further, it
is clear that Moses explained all the laws which he had received
in
the fortieth year after the exodus from Egypt; also that he bound over
the people a second time to observe them, and that finally
he com-
mitted them to writing (Deut.
i:5; xxix:14;
xxxi:9),
in a book which
contained these laws explained, and
the new covenant, and this
book was therefore called the book of
the law of God: the same
which was afterwards added to by Joshua
when he set forth the
fresh covenant with which he bound over the people and
which he
entered into with God (Josh.
xxiv:25, 26).
(8:58) Now,
as we have extent no book containing
this covenant of
Moses and also the covenant of Joshua, we must perforce conclude
that it has perished, unless, indeed, we adopt the wild conjecture
of
{ See
Shirley's footnote }
the Chaldean paraphrast Jonathan,
and twist about the words of
Scripture to our heart's content. (8:59)
This commentator, in the face of
our present difficulty, preferred corrupting the sacred text to confess-
ing his own ignorance. (60)
The passage in the book of Joshua which
{Josh.
xxiv:26}
runs, page
126 "and
Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law
{in
his Aramaic
translation}
of God,"
he changes ^ into "and
Joshua wrote these words and kept
them with the book of the law of God." (8:61)
What is to be done with
persons who will only see what pleases them?
(62) What
is such a
proceeding if it is not denying Scripture, and inventing another Bible
out of our own heads? (63)
We may therefore conclude that the book
of the law of God which Moses wrote was not the Pentateuch,
but
something quite different, which the author of the Pentateuch
duly
inserted into his book. (8:64)
So much is abundantly plain
both from
what I have said and from what I am about
to add. (8:65) For
in the
{Deu
31:9}
passage of Deuteronomy above
quoted, where it is related that
Moses wrote the book of the law, the historian adds that he handed
{say
nowadays, Judges}
it over to the priests and bade them read it
out at a stated time to the
{Would
that parts of all righteous Constitutions
be publicly read at stated times.}
whole people. (8:66)
This shows that the work was of much less length
than the Pentateuch, inasmuch as it could be read
through at one
sitting so as to be understood by all;
further, we must not omit to
notice that out of all the books which Moses wrote, this one book
of
{Deu
32.1}
the second covenant and the song (which latter
he wrote afterwards
{Talmud
evolved into modern-day law libraries.}
so that all the people
might learn it), was the only one which he
caused to be religiously guarded and preserved.
(8:67) In
the first
covenant he had only bound over those who were present, but in the
second covenant he bound over all their
descendants also (Deut.
xxix:14), and therefore ordered this covenant with future
ages to be
{Deu
32.1}
religiously preserved, together
with the Song, which was especially
addressed to posterity: as, then, we have no proof that Moses wrote
any book save this of the covenant, and as he committed no other to
the care of posterity; and, lastly, as there are many passages in
the
Pentateuch which Moses could not have written, it follows
that the
belief that Moses was the author of the Pentateuch is
ungrounded
and even irrational. (8:68)
Someone will perhaps ask whether Moses
did not also write down other laws when they were first revealed
to
him—in other words, whether, during the course
of forty years, he
did not write down any of the laws which he promulgated, save only
those few which I have stated to be contained in the book of the first
covenant. (69) To
this I would answer, that although it seems reason-
able to suppose page 127
that Moses wrote down the laws at the time
when he wished to communicate them to the people, yet we are not
warranted to take it as proved, for I have shown
above that we must
make no assertions in such matters which
we do not gather from
Scripture, or which do not flow as legitimate consequences
from its
fundamental principles. (70)
We must not accept whatever is reason-
ably probable. (8:71) However
even reason in
this case would not force
such a conclusion upon us: for it may be that the assembly of elders
wrote down the decrees of Moses and communicated
them to the
people, and the historian collected them, and duly set them
forth in
his narrative of the life of Moses. (8:72)
So much for the five books of
Moses: it is now time for us to
turn to the other sacred writings.
(8:73) The
book of Joshua may be proved not to be an autograph by
reasons similar to those we have just employed: for it must be some
other than Joshua who testifies that the fame of Joshua was spread
over the whole world; that
he omitted nothing of what Moses had
taught (Josh.
vi:27; viii.
last verse; xi:15);
that he grew old and sum-
moned an assembly of the whole people, and finally that he departed
this life. (8:74)
Furthermore, events are related
which took place after
Joshua's death. (75) For
instance, that the Israelites worshipped God,
after his death, so long as there were any old men alive who remem-
bered him; and in chap.
xvi:10, we read that "Ephraim and Manasseh
did not drive out the Canaanites which
dwelt in Gezer, but the
Canaanite dwelt in the land of Ephraim unto this day, and was
tribu-
tary to him." (76)
This is the same statement as that in Judges,
chap. i.,
and the phrase "unto this
day" shows that the writer was speaking
of ancient times. (8:77)
With these texts we may compare the last verse
of chap.
xv., concerning the sons of Judah, and also the history
of
Caleb in the same chap.
v:14. (8:78) Further,
the building of an altar
beyond Jordan by the two tribes and
a half, chap.
xxii:10, sqq.,
seems to have taken place after the death of Joshua, for in the
whole narrative his name is never mentioned, but the people alone
held council as to waging war, sent out legates, waited for their
return, and finally approved of their answer.
{on}
(8:79) Lastly,
from chap.
x:14. ^
, it is clear that the
book page 128
was
written many generations after the death
of Joshua, for it bears
witness "there was never any day like unto that
day, either before or
after, that the Lord hearkened to the voice of a man," &c.
(80) If,
there-
fore, Joshua wrote any book at all, it was that which is quoted in
the
{to}
work now before us, ^
chap. x:13.
(8:81) With
regard to the book of Judges, I suppose no rational person
persuades himself that it was written by the actual Judges.
(82) For
the conclusion of the whole history contained
in chap.
ii. clearly
shows that it is all the work—of a single historian.
(8:83) Further,
inas-
much as the writer frequently tells us that there was then
no king in
Israel, it is evident that the book was written after the establishment
of the monarchy.
(8:84) The
books of Samuel need not detain us long, inasmuch as the
narrative in them is continued long after Samuel's death; but I should
like to draw attention to the fact that it was written many generations
after Samuel's death.
(8:85) For
in book i. chap.
ix:9, the historian
remarks in a parenthesis, "Beforetime, in Israel,
when a man went to
inquire of God, thus he spake: Come, and let us go to
the seer; for
he that is now called a prophet was
beforetime called a seer."
(8:86) Lastly,
the books of Kings, as we gather from internal evidence,
were compiled from the books of King Solomon (I
Kings xi:41), from
the chronicles of the kings of Judah
(1 Kings xiv:19,
29), and
the
chronicles of the kings of Israel.
(8:87) We
may, therefore, conclude that all the
books we have con-
sidered hitherto are compilations, and that
the events therein are
recorded as having happened in old time.
(8:88) Now,
if we turn our
attention to the connection and argument of all these books, we shall
easily see that they were all written by a single historian, who wished
to relate the antiquities of the Jews from their first beginning
down to
the first destruction of the city.
(8:89) The
way in which the several
books are connected one with the other is alone enough to show us
that they form the narrative of one and the same writer.
(8:90) For
as
soon as he has related the life of Moses, the historian
thus passes
{Jos
1:1}
on to the story of Joshua: "And
it came to pass after that Moses the
servant of the page
129 Lord was dead,
that God spake unto Joshua,"
&c., so in the same way, after
the death of Joshua was concluded,
he passes with identically the same transition and connection to
the
{Jdg
1:1}
history of the Judges: "And
it came to pass after that Joshua was
dead, that the children of Israel sought from God,"
&c. (8:91) To
the
book of Judges he adds the story of Ruth, as a sort of
appendix, in
{Ruth
1:1}
these words: "Now
it came to pass in the days that the judges ruled,
that there was a famine in the land."
{1sam
1:1}
(8:92) The
first book of Samuel is introduced with a similar phrase; and
{2sam
1:1}
so is the second book
of Samuel. (8:93)
Then, before the history of
David is concluded, the historian passes in the same way to the first
{1ki
1:1} {2ki
1:1}
book of Kings, and, after David's death, to
the Second book of Kings.
(8:94) The
putting together, and
the order of the narratives, show that
they are all the work of one man, writing with a definite
aim; for the Ezra
historian begins with relating the first
origin of the Hebrew nation,
and then sets forth in order the times and
the occasions in which
Moses put forth his laws, and made his predictions. (8:95)
He then pro-
ceeds to relate how the Israelites invaded
the promised land in
accordance with Moses' prophecy (Deut.
vii.); and how, when the
land was subdued, they turned
their backs on their laws, and
thereby
incurred many misfortunes (Deut.
xxxi:16, 17). (8:96)
He tells how they
wished to elect rulers, and how, according as these rulers observed
the law, the people flourished or suffered
(Deut. xxviii:36);
finally,
how destruction came upon the nation, even as Moses
had foretold.
(8:97) In
regard to other matters, which do not serve to confirm the law,
the writer either passes over them in silence, or refers the reader
to
other books for information. (8:98)
All that is set down in the books we
have conduces to the sole object of setting forth the words and laws
of Moses, and proving them by subsequent events.
(8:99) When
we put together these three
considerations, namely, the
unity of the subject of all the books, the connection
between them,
and the fact that they are compilations made many generations after
the events they relate had taken place, we come to the
conclusion,
as I have just stated, that they are all the work of
a single historian.
(8:100) Who
this historian was, it is not so easy to show; but I page
130
{Importance}
suspect that he was Ezra,
and there are several strong reasons for Ezra's
Biography
adopting this hypothesis.
(8:101) The
historian whom we already know to be but one individual
brings his history down to the liberation of Jehoiakim,
and adds that
he himself sat at the king's table all his life—that is, at the table either
of Jehoiakim, or of the son of Nebuchadnezzar, for the
sense of the
passage is ambiguous: hence it follows that he did not live before the
time of Ezra.
(8:102) But
Scripture does not testify of any except of Ezra
(Ezra vii:10),
that he "prepared his heart to seek
the law of the Lord,
and to set it forth, and further that he was a
ready scribe in the law
of Moses." (8:103)
Therefore, I can not find anyone, save Ezra,
to whom
to attribute the sacred books.
(8:104) Further,
from this testimony concerning Ezra,
we see that he pre-
pared his heart, not only to seek the law of the Lord, but also to
set it
forth; and, in Nehemiah
viii:8,
we read that "they read in the book of
the law of God distinctly, and gave
the sense, and caused them to
understand the reading."
(8:105) As,
then, in Deuteronomy, we find not only the book of the law of
Moses, or the greater part of it, but also many things
inserted for its
better explanation, I conjecture that this Deuteronomy is the
book of
the law of God, written, set forth,
and explained by Ezra,
which is
referred to in the text above quoted. (8:106)
Two examples of the way
matters were inserted parenthetically in the text of Deuteronomy,
with
a view to its fuller explanation, we have already given, in speaking
of
Aben Ezra's opinion. (8:107)
Many others are found in the course of the
work: for instance, in chap.
ii:12: "The Horims dwelt
also in Seir
beforetime; but the children of Esau succeeded them, when they had
destroyed them from before them, and dwelt in their stead;
as Israel
did unto the land of his possession, which the Lord gave unto
them."
(8:108) This
explains verses
3 and 4 of the same chapter, where it is
stated that Mount Seir, which had come to the children
of Esau for a
possession, did not fall into their hands
uninhabited; but that they
invaded it, and turned out and destroyed
the Horims, who formerly
dwelt therein, even as the children
of Israel had done unto the
Canaanites after the death of Moses.
PAGE 131
(8:109) So,
also, verses
6, 7, 8, 9, of the tenth chapter are
inserted
parenthetically among the words of Moses. Everyone must see
that
verse 8, which begins, "At
that time the Lord separated the tribe of
Levi," necessarily refers to verse
5, and not to the death of Aaron,
which is only mentioned here by Ezra
because Moses, in telling of
the golden calf worshipped by the
people, stated that he had
prayed for Aaron.
(8:110) He
then explains that at the time at which Moses spoke,
God
had chosen for Himself the tribe of Levi in order
that He may point
out the reason for their election, and for the fact of their
not sharing
in the inheritance; after this digression,
he resumes the thread of
Moses' speech. (8:111)
To these parentheses we must add the preface
to the book, and all the passages in which Moses is spoken of in the
{Moses
spoke}
third person, besides
many which we cannot now distinguish, though,
doubtless, they would have been plainly recognized by
the writer's
contemporaries.
(8:112) If,
I say, we were in possession of the book of the law as Moses
wrote it, I do not doubt that we should find a great
difference in the
words of the precepts, the order in
which they are given, and the
reasons by which they are supported.
(8:113) A
comparison of the decalogue in Deuteronomy {5:6}
with the
decalogue in Exodus {20:2},
where its history is explicitly set forth, will
be sufficient to show us a wide discrepancy in all these three partic-
{Deu
5:9 & Exo
20:5}
ulars, for the fourth commandment is given
not only in a different
form, but at much greater length, while the reason for its observance The
reason is, perhaps,
{Deu
5:9 adds: "and showing mercy unto the thousandth generation to
show the relevance
of
them that love Me and keep My commandments."} to
the then generation.
differs wholly from that
stated in Exodus. (8:114)
Again, the order in Another
interpretation.
{Deu
5:18 & Exo
20:14}
which the tenth commandment
is explained differs in the two
versions. (8:115) I think that the differences here as elsewhere are the
work of Ezra, who explained the law of God to his contemporaries,
and who wrote this book of the law of God, before anything else;
this I gather from the fact that it contains the laws of the country,
of which the people stood in most need, and also because it is not
joined to the book which precedes it by any connecting phrase,
but begins with the independent statement, " these
are the words of
Moses." (8:116)
After this task was completed,
I think Ezra
set himself
to give a complete account of the history of the Hebrew nation
page 132 from the creation of the world to the entire destruction of the
city, and in this account he inserted the
book of Deuteronomy, and,
possibly, he called the first five
books by the name of Moses,
because his life is chiefly contained therein, and forms their principal
subject; for the same reason he called the sixth Joshua,
the seventh
Judges, the eighth Ruth, the ninth, and perhaps the tenth,
Samuel,
and, lastly, the eleventh and twelfth Kings. (8:117)
Whether Ezra put
the finishing touches to this work and finished it as he intended, we
will discuss in the next chapter.
End of Chapter VIII
Page 133
CHAPTER IX.
OTHER QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE SAME BOOKS:
NAMELY, WHETHER THEY WERE COMPLETELY
FINISHED BY EZRA,
AND, FURTHER, WHETHER THE
MARGINAL NOTES WHICH
ARE FOUND IN THE HEBREW
TEXTS WERE VARIOUS READINGS.
(9:1) How
greatly the inquiry we have just made concerning
the real
writer of the twelve books aids us in attaining a
complete understand-
{8:89
to 8:93}
ing of them, may be easily gathered solely
from the passages which
we have adduced in confirmation of our opinion, and
which would be
most obscure without it. (9:2)
But besides the question of the writer,
there are other points to notice which common superstition
forbids
the multitude to apprehend. (9:3)
Of these the chief
is, that Ezra
(whom I will take to be the author of the aforesaid books
until some
more likely person be suggested) did not put the finishing
touches
to the narrative contained therein, but merely collected the histories
from various writers, and sometimes simply set them down, leaving
their examination and arrangement to posterity.
(9:4) The
cause (if it were not untimely death) which prevented
him
from completing his work in all its portions, I cannot conjecture,
but
the fact remains most clear, although
we have lost the writings of the
ancient Hebrew historians, and can only judge
from the few frag-
ments which are still extant. (9:5)
For the history of Hezekiah (2
Kings
xviii:17), as written in the vision of Isaiah, is
related as it is found in
the chronicles of the kings of Judah.
(9:6) We
read the same story,
told with few exceptions (11)
in the same words, in the book
of Isaiah
which was contained in the chronicles of the kings of
Judah (2
Chron.
xxxii:32). (9:7)
From this we must conclude
that there were various
versions of this narrative of Isaiah's, unless, indeed,
anyone would
dream that in this, too, there lurks a
mystery. (9:8) Further,
the last
chapter of page
134 2
Kings 27-30 is repeated in the last chapter of
Jeremiah, v.31-34.
(9:9) Again,
we find 2
Sam. vii. repeated in I
Chron. xvii., but the
expressions in the two passages are
so curiously varied (12),
that we can very easily see that these
two chapters were taken
from two different versions of the history of Nathan.
(9:10) Lastly,
the genealogy of the kings of Idumæa
contained in
Genesis xxxvi:31,
is repeated in the same words in
1 Chron.
i.,
though we know that the author of the latter work took his
materials
from other historians, not from the twelve books we have ascribed to
Ezra. (9:10a) We
may therefore be sure that if we still possessed the
writings of the historians, the matter would be made clear; however,
as we have lost them, we can only examine the writings
still extant,
and from their order and connection, their various
repetitions, and,
lastly, the contradictions in dates which
they contain, judge of
the rest.
(9:11) These,
then, or the chief of them, we
will now go through.
(9:12) First,
in the story of Judah and Tamar (Gen.
xxxviii.) the historian
thus begins: "And it came to pass at that
time that Judah went down
from his brethren." (9:13)
This time cannot refer to what
immediately
precedes (13), but must necessarily refer to something
else, for from
the time when Joseph was sold into Egypt to the time when the
pat-
riarch Jacob, with all his family, set out
thither, cannot be reckoned
as more than twenty-two years, for Joseph, when he was sold by his
brethren, was seventeen years old, and when he was summoned by
Pharaoh from prison was thirty; if to this we add the seven
years of
plenty and two of famine, the total
amounts to twenty-two years.
(9:14) Now,
in so short a period, no one can suppose
that so many
things happened as are described; that Judah
had three children,
one after the other, from one wife, whom he married at the beginning
of the period; that the eldest of these,
when he was old enough,
married Tamar, and that after he died his next brother succeeded
to
her; that, after all this, Judah, without
knowing it, had intercourse
with his daughter-in-law, and that she bore
him twins, and, finally,
that the eldest of these twins became a father
within the aforesaid
period. (9:15)
As all these events
page 135
cannot have taken place
within the period mentioned in
Genesis, the reference must
necessarily be to something treated of in
another book: and Ezra
in this instance simply related the story,
and inserted it without
examination among his other writings.
(9:16) However,
not only this chapter but the whole narrative of Joseph
and Jacob is collected and set forth from various histories, inasmuch
as it is quite inconsistent with itself. (9:17)
For in Gen.
xlvii. we are told
that Jacob, when he came at Joseph's bidding
to salute Pharaoh,
was 130 years old. (9:18)
If from this we deduct the twenty-two years
which he passed sorrowing for the absence of Joseph
and the
seven-
teen years forming Joseph's age when he was sold, and, lastly,
the
seven years for which Jacob served for Rachel, we find that he was
very advanced in life, namely, eighty four, when he took Leah to wife,
whereas Dinah was scarcely seven years old when she was violated
by Shechem (14). (9:19)
Simeon and Levi were
aged respectively
eleven and twelve when they spoiled the city and slew all the males
therein with the sword.
(9:20) There
is no need that I should go through the whole Pentateuch.
(9:21) If
anyone pays attention to the way in which all the histories and
precepts in these five books are set down promiscuously
and without
order, with no regard for dates; and further, how
the same story is
often repeated, sometimes in a different version, he will easily,
I say,
discern that all the materials were promiscuously
collected and
heaped together, in order that they might at some subsequent
time
be more readily examined and reduced to order. (9:22)
Not only these
five books, but also the narratives contained in the remaining seven,
Bk.XX:27690.
going down to the destruction
of the city, are compiled in the same
way. (9:23) For
who does not see that in Judges
ii:6 a new historian is
being quoted, who had also written of the deeds of Joshua, and that
his words are simply copied? (24)
For after our historian has stated in
the last
chapter of the book of Joshua that Joshua
died and was
buried, and has promised, in the first
chapter of Judges, to relate
what happened after his death, in
what way, if he wished to continue
the thread of his history, could he connect the statement here made
about Joshua with what had gone before?
PAGE 136
(9:25) So,
too, 1 Sam.
17, 18, are taken from another historian, who
assigns a cause for David's first
frequenting Saul's court very
different from that given in chap.
xvi. of the same book. (9:26)
For he
did not think that David came to Saul in consequence of the
advice
of Saul's servants, as is narrated in chap.
xvi., but that being sent by
chance to the camp by his father on a message to his
brothers, he
was for the first time remarked by Saul on the occasion of his victory
over Goliath the Philistine, and was retained at his court.
(9:27) I
suspect the same thing has taken place in
chap. xxvi.
of the
same book, for the historian there seems
to repeat the narrative
given in chap.
xxiv. according to another
man's version.
(9:28) But
I pass over this, and go on to
the computation of dates.
(9:29) In
I Kings,
chap. vi., it is said that Solomon built the Temple in
the four hundred and eightieth year after
the exodus from Egypt;
but from the historians themselves we get a much longer period, for:
Years.
Moses governed the people in the desert . . . .
. . . . . . . . .. . . . . . 40
Joshua, who lived 110 years, did not, according to
Josephus and others' opinion rule more than . .
. . . .. . . . . . . . . 26
Cushan Rishathaim held the people in subjection . . . . ..
. . . . . . . 8
Othniel, son of Kenag, was judge for . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. .
. . (15) 40
Eglon, King of Moab, governed the people . .. . . . . . . . . .. . . .
. . . 18
Ehud and Shamgar were judges . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . 80
Jachin, King of Canaan, held the people in subjection . . . . . . . . .
20
The people was at peace subsequently for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..
. . 40
It was under subjection to Midian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . 7
It obtained freedom under Gideon for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. .. . . . 40
It fell under the rule of Abimelech . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.. . . . . . . 3
Tola, son of Puah, was judge . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . .. . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Jair was judge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . 22
The people was in subjection to the Philistines and Ammonites . . 18
Jephthah was judge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . 6
Ibzan, the Bethlehemite, was judge . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . .
. . .. . . 7
Elon, the Zabulonite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . .10
Abdon, the Pirathonite . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . 8
PAGE 137
The people was again subject to the Philistines
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
Samson was judge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . (16) 20
Eli was judge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . .. . . . . . . 40
The people again fell into subjection to the Philistines,
till they were delivered by Samuel. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
David reigned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 40
Solomon reigned before he built the temple . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 4
(9:30) All
these periods added together make a total
of 580 years.
(9:31) But
to these must be added the years during which the Hebrew
republic flourished after the death of Joshua, until it was conquered
by Cushan Rishathaim, which I take to be very numerous, for
I can-
not bring myself to believe that immediately after the death of
Joshua
all those who had witnessed his miracles died simultaneously,
nor
that their successors at one stroke bid
farewell to their laws, and
plunged from the highest virtue into the
depth of wickedness and
obstinacy.
(9:32) Nor,
lastly, that Cushan Rishathaim subdued them on the instant;
each one of these circumstances requires almost
a generation, and
there is no doubt that Judges
ii:7, 9, 10, comprehends a great many
years which it passes over in silence. (33)
We must also add the years
during which Samuel was judge, the number of which is not stated in
Scripture, and also the years during which Saul reigned,
which are
not clearly shown from his history. (9:34)
It is, indeed, stated in 1
Sam.
xiii:1, that he reigned two years, but the text in that
passage is muti-
lated, and the records of his
reign lead us to suppose a longer
period.
(9:35) That
the text is mutilated I suppose no
one will
doubt who
has ever
Bk.XIA:6439.
advanced so far as the threshold of the
Hebrew language, for it runs
{the
Hebrew is literally-'son of years'}
as follows: "Saul
was in his --- year, when he began to reign, and he
reigned two years over Israel." (36)
Who, I say, does not see that the
number of the years of Saul's age when he began to reign has been
omitted? (9:37)
That the record of
the reign presupposes a greater
number of years is equally beyond doubt, for
in the same book, chap.
xxvii:7, it is stated that David sojourned
among the Philistines, to
whom he had fled on account of Saul, a year and four months; thus
the rest of the reign must have been page
138 comprised in a space
of eight months, which I think no one will credit. (9:38)
Josephus,
at the
end of the sixth book of his antiquities, thus
corrects the text: Saul
reigned eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and two years after
his death. (9:39)
However, all the narrative in chap.
xiii. is in complete
disagreement with what goes before. (9:40)
At the end of vii:13
it is
narrated that the Philistines were so crushed by
the Hebrews that
they did not venture, during Samuel's life, to invade
the borders of
Israel; but in 1sam
xiii:6 we are told that the Hebrews were invaded
during the life of Samuel by the Philistines, and
reduced by them to
such a state of wretchedness and poverty that they were
deprived
not only of weapons with which to defend themselves, but also of the
means of making more. (9:41)
I should be at pains enough if I were to
try and harmonize all the narratives
contained in this first book of
Samuel so that they should seem to be all written and
arranged by
a single historian. (9:42) But
I return to my object. (43)
The years, then,
during which Saul reigned must be added to the above computation;
and, lastly, I have not counted the years of the Hebrew anarchy,
for
I cannot from Scripture gather their number.
(9:44) I
cannot, I say, be
certain as to the period occupied by the
events related in Judges
chap. xvii.
on till the end of the book.
(9:45) It
is thus abundantly evident that we
cannot arrive at a true
computation of years from the histories, and, further, that the
histories are inconsistent themselves on the subject. (9:46) We are
compelled to confess that these histories were compiled from
various writers without previous arrangement and examination.
(9:47) Not less discrepancy is found between the dates given in the
Chronicles of the Kings of Judah, and those in the Chronicles of
the Kings of Israel; in the latter, it is stated that Jehoram, the son
of Ahab, began to reign in the second year of the reign of Jehoram,
the son of Jehoshaphat (2 Kings i:17), but in the former we read
that Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, began to reign in the fifth
year of Jehoram, the son of Ahab (2 Kings viii:16). (9:48) Anyone
who compares the narratives in Chronicles with the narratives in
the books of Kings, will find many similar discrepancies. (9:49) These
there is no need for me to examine here, and still less am I called
upon to treat of the page 139 commentaries of those who endeavour
to harmonize them. (9:50) The Rabbis evidently let their fancy run wild.
(9:51) Such commentators as I have, read, dream, invent, and as a
last resort, play fast and loose with the language. (9:52) For instance,
when it is said in 2 Chronicles, that Ahab was forty-two years old
when he began to reign, they pretend that these years are com-
puted from the reign of Omri, not from the birth of Ahab. (9:52a) If this
can be shown to be the real meaning of the writer of the book of
Chronicles, all I can say is, that he did not know how to state a fact.
(9:53) The commentators make many other assertions of this kind,
which if true, would prove that the ancient Hebrews were ignorant
both of their own language, and of the way to relate a plain narra-
tive. (9:54) I should in such case recognize no rule or reason in inter-
preting Scripture, but it would be permissible to hypothesize to
one's heart's content.
(9:55) If
anyone thinks that I am speaking too generally,
and without
sufficient warrant, I would ask him to set himself to showing us some
fixed plan in these histories which might be followed without blame
by other writers of chronicles, and in his efforts at harmonizing and
interpretation, so strictly to observe and explain the phrases and
expressions, the order and the connections, that we may be able to
imitate these also in our writings (17). (9:56) If he succeeds, I will at
once give him my hand, and he shall be to me as great Apollo; for I
confess that after long endeavours I
have been unable to discover
anything of the kind. (9:57) I
may add that I set down nothing here
Bk.XX:13454.
which I have not long reflected upon, and
that, though I was imbued
from my boyhood up with the ordinary opinions about the Scriptures,
I have been unable to withstand
the force of what I have urged.
(9:58) However,
there is no need to detain
the reader with this
question, and drive him to attempt an impossible task; I merely
mentioned the fact in
order to throw light on
my intention.
(9:59) I
now pass on to other points concerning the treatment of these
books. (60) For we must remark, in addition to what has been shown,
that these books were not guarded by posterity
with such care that
no faults crept in. (9:61)
The ancient scribes draw attention to
many
doubtful readings, and some mutilated passages, but not to all that
exist: whether the page 140 faults are of sufficient importance to
greatly embarrass the reader I will not now discuss. (9:62) I am
inclined to think that they are of minor moment to those, at any rate,
who read the Scriptures with enlightenment: and I can positively
affirm that I have not noticed any fault or various reading in doctrinal
passages sufficient to
render them obscure
or doubtful.
(9:63) There
are some people, however, who will not admit that there
is any corruption, even in other passages, but maintain that by some
unique exercise of providence God
has preserved from corruption
every word in the Bible: they say that the various
readings are the
symbols of profoundest mysteries, and that
mighty secrets lie hid in
{missing
parts}
the twenty-eight hiatus which
occur, nay, even in the very form of
the letters.
(9:64) Whether
they are actuated by folly and
anile devotion, or
{of
or like a foolish, doddering old woman ^ }
whether by arrogance and
malice so that they alone may be held
to possess the secrets of God,
I know not: this much I do know,
that I find in their writings
nothing which has the air of a Divine
secret, but only childish lucubrations. (9:65)
I have read and known
Bk.XIB:2453. {
^ pretentiousness}
certain Kabbalistic
triflers, whose insanity provokes my unceasing Triflers
astonishment. (9:66) That
faults have crept in will,
I think, be
denied by no sensible person who reads the passage about Saul,
above quoted (1 Sam. xiii:1) and also 2 Sam. vi:2: "And David arose
and went with all the people that were with him from Judah, to bring
up from thence the ark of God."
(9:67) No
one can fail to remark that the name of their destination, viz.,
Kirjath-jearim (18), has been
omitted: nor can we deny that 2
Sam.
xiii:37,
has been tampered with and mutilated. (68)
"And Absalom fled,
and went to Talmai,
the son of Ammihud, king of Geshur.
(68a) And
{2
Sam. 13:38}
he mourned for his son
every day. (9:68b)
So
Absalom fled, and went
to Geshur, and was there three years." (9:69) I know that I have
remarked other passages of the same kind, but I cannot recall them
at the moment.
(9:70) That
the marginal
notes which are found continually
in the
Hebrew Codices are doubtful readings will, I think, be evident to
everyone who has noticed that they often arise from the great
similarity of some of the Hebrew letters, such for instance, as the Triflers
similarity between Kaf and Bet page 141, Yod and Vav, Dalet and
Resh, &c. {See Strong:Page 5 for shape of Hebrew letters.} (9:71) For For shapes also see
example, the text in 2 Sam. v:24, runs "in the time when thou
hearest, " and similarly in Judges xxi:22, "And it shall be when their
fathers or their brothers come unto us often, " the marginal version
is "come
unto us to complain."
(9:72) So
also many various readings have arisen from the use of the
letters named mutes, which are generally not sounded in pronun-
ciation, and are taken promiscuously,
one for the other. (9:73) For
{corrected}
example, in Levit.
xxv:29, it is written, "The
house shall be estab-
lished which is not in the walled city," but the margin has it, "which
is in a walled city."
(9:74) Though
these matters are self-evident, it is necessary to answer
the reasonings of certain Pharisees, by which they endeavour to Britannica
convince us that the marginal notes serve to indicate some mystery
and were added or pointed out by the writers of the sacred books.
(9:75)The first of these reasons, which, in my opinion, carries little
weight, is taken from the practice
of reading the Scriptures aloud.
(9:76) If,
it is urged, these notes were added to show various readings
which could not be decided upon by posterity, why has custom
prevailed that the marginal readings should always be retained?
(9:77) Why has the meaning which is preferred been set down in the
margin when it ought to have been incorporated in the text, and not
relegated to a side note?
(9:78) The
second reason
is more specious, and is taken from
the
nature of the case. (9:79) It is admitted that faults have crept into the
sacred writings by chance and not by design; but they say that in
the five books the word for a girl is, with one exception, written
without the letter "he," contrary to all grammatical rules, whereas
in the margin it is written correctly according to the universal rule of
grammar. (9:80) Can this have happened by mistake? (80a) Is it possible
to imagine a clerical error to have been committed every time the
word occurs? (9:81) Moreover, it would have been easy to supply the
emendation. (9:82) Hence, when these readings are not accidental or
corrections of manifest mistakes, it is supposed that they must have
been set down on purpose by the original writers, and have a mean-
ing. (9:83) However, it is easy to answer such arguments; as to the
question of custom having prevailed in the reading of the marginal
versions, page 142 I will not spare much time for its consideration:
I know not the promptings of superstition, and perhaps the practice
may have arisen from the idea that both readings were deemed
equally good or tolerable, and therefore, lest either should be
neglected, one was appointed to be written, and the other to be
read. (9:84) They feared to pronounce judgment in so weighty a
matter lest they should mistake the false for the true, and therefore
they would give preference to neither, as they must necessarily
have done if they had commanded one only to be both read and
written. (9:85) This would be especially the case where the marginal
readings were not written down in the sacred books: or the custom
may have originated because some things though rightly written
down were desired to be read otherwise according to the marginal
version, and therefore the general rule was made that the marginal
version should be followed in reading the Scriptures. (9:86) The cause
which induced the scribes to expressly prescribe certain passages
to be read in the marginal version, I will now touch on, for not all the
marginal notes are various readings, but some mark expressions
which have passed out of common use, obsolete words and terms
which current decency did not allow to be read in a public assembly.
(9:87) The ancient writers, without any evil intention, employed no
courtly paraphrase, but called
things by their plain names.
(9:88) Afterwards,
through the spread of evil thoughts
and luxury,
words which could be used by the ancients without offence, came
to be considered obscene. (89)There was no need for this cause to
change the text of Scripture. (9:90) Still, as a concession to the
popular weakness, it became the custom to substitute more decent
terms for words denoting sexual intercourse, exereta, &c., and to
read them as they were given in the margin.
(9:91) At
any rate, whatever may have been the origin of the practice
of reading Scripture according to
the marginal version, it was not
that the true interpretation is contained therein. (9:92)
For besides that,
the Rabbins in the Talmud
{the body of Jewish civil and ceremonial
law, tradition, and legend; [200-500 C.E.< Heb talmudh lit., instruction] };
{See
Shirley's footnote}
often differ from the Massoretes,
and give other readings
which they
approve of, as I will shortly show, certain things
are found in the margin
Bk.XIA:6439.
which appear less warranted
by the uses of the Hebrew
language.
(9:93) For example, in 2 Samuel xiv:22, we read, "In that the king hath
fulfilled the request page 143 of his servant," a construction plainly
regular, and agreeing with that in chap. xvi. (9:94) But the margin has
it "of thy servant," which does not agree with the person of the verb.
(9:95) So, too, chap. xvi:23 of the same book, we find, "As if one had
inquired at the oracle of God," the margin adding "someone" to
stand as a nominative to the verb. (9:96) But the correction is not
apparently warranted, for it is a common practice, well known to
grammarians in the Hebrew language, to use the third person
singular of the active verb impersonally.
(9:97) The
second argument advanced by the Pharisees
is easily
answered from what has just been said, namely, that the scribes
besides the various readings called
attention to obsolete words.
Bk.XIA:6439.
(9:98) For
there is no doubt that in Hebrew
as in other languages,
changes of use made many words obsolete and antiquated, and
such were found by the later scribes in the sacred books and noted
by them with a view to the
books being publicly read according to
{boy
or girl both to adolescence}
custom. (9:99)
For this reason the
word nahgar {Strong:5288
- nah'-ar}
is always found marked because its gender
was originally common,
and it had the same meaning as the Latin juvenis
(a young person).
(9:100) So
also the Hebrew capital was anciently
called Jerusalem,
not Jerusalaim. (9:101)
As to the pronouns himself and herself, I think
{shapes
of letters}
that the later scribes changed
vav into yod (a very frequent change
in Hebrew) when they wished to express the feminine gender, but
that the ancients only distinguished the two genders by a change of
vowels. (9:102) I may also remark that the irregular tenses of certain
verbs differ in the ancient and modern forms, it being formerly con-
sidered a mark of elegance to employ certain letters agreeable to
the ear.
(9:103) In
a word, I could easily multiply proofs of this kind if I were not
afraid of abusing the patience of the reader. (9:104) Perhaps I shall be
asked how I became acquainted with the fact that all these expres-
sions are obsolete. (9:105) I reply that I have found them in the most
ancient Hebrew writers in the Bible itself, and that they have not
been imitated by subsequent authors, and thus they are recognized
as antiquated, though the language in which they occur is dead.
(9:106) But perhaps someone may press the question why, if it be true,
as I say, that the marginal notes of the Bible generally page 144 mark
various readings, there are never more than two readings of a
passage, that in the text and that in the margin, instead of three or
more; and further, how the scribes can have hesitated between two
readings, one of which is evidently contrary to grammar, and the
other a plain correction.
(9:107) The
answer to these questions also is easy: I will premise that
it is almost certain that there once were more various
readings than
those now recorded. (9:108)
For instance,
one finds many in the Talmud
which the Massoretes have
neglected, and are so different one from
{See
Shirley's footnote}
the other that even the
superstitious editor of the Bomberg
Bible
{Jacob
ben Hayyim ^ }
confesses that he cannot
harmonize them. (9:109)
"We cannot
say
anything," he writes, "except what we have said above, namely,
that the Talmud is
generally in contradiction to the Massorete."
(9:110) So
that we are not bound to hold that there never
were more
than two readings of any passage, yet I am willing to admit, and
indeed I believe that more than two readings are never found: and
for the following reasons:-
I. (9:111)
The cause of the differences
of reading only admits of two,
being generally the similarity of certain letters, so that the question
resolved itself into which should be written Bet or Kaf, Yod or Vav,
Dalet or Resh) {See Strong:5 for shape of Hebrew letters.}: cases which Hebrew Alphabet
are constantly occurring, and frequently yielding a fairly good
meaning whichever alternative be adopted. (112) Sometimes, too, it is
a question whether a syllable be long or short, quantity being deter-
mined by the letters called mutes. (9:113) Moreover, we never assert-
ed that all the marginal versions, without exception, marked various
readings; on the contrary, we have stated that many were due to
motives of decency or
a desire to explain obsolete
words.
II. (9:114)
I am inclined to attribute the fact that
more than two readings
are never found to the paucity of exemplars, perhaps not more than
two or three, found by the scribes. (9:115) In the treatise of the scribes,
chap. vi., mention is made of three only, pretended to have been
found in the time of Ezra, in order that the marginal versions might
be attributed to him.
(9:116) However
that may be, if the scribes only had three
codices we
may easily imagine that in a given passage two of them would be in
accord, for it would be extraordinary if each one of the three gave a
different reading of the same text.
PAGE 145
(9:117) The
dearth of copies after the time of Ezra will surprise no one
who has read the 1st chapter of Maccabees, or Josephus's
"Antiquities," Bk. 12, chap. 5. (9:118) Nay, it appears wonderful
considering the fierce and daily persecution, that even these few
should have been preserved. (9:119) This will, I think, be plain to even
a cursory reader of the history of those times.
(9:120) We
have thus discovered the reasons why
there are never
more than two readings of a passage in the Bible, but this is a long
way from supposing that we may therefore conclude that the Bible
was purposely written incorrectly in such passages in order to
signify some mystery. (9:121) As to the second argument, that some
passages are so faultily written that they are at plain variance with
all grammar, and should have been corrected in the text and not in
the margin, I attach little weight to it, for I am not concerned to say
what religious motive the scribes may have had for acting as they
did: possibly they did so from candour, wishing to transmit the few
exemplars of the Bible which they had found exactly in their original
state, marking the differences they discovered in the margin, not as
doubtful readings, but as simple variants. (9:122) I have myself called
them doubtful readings, because it would be generally impossible to
say which of the two versions is preferable.
(9:123) Lastly,
besides these doubtful readings the scribes have
(by
leaving a hiatus in the middle of a paragraph) marked several
passages as mutilated. (9:124) The Massoretes have counted up such
instances, and they amount to eight-and-twenty. (9:125) I do not know
whether any mystery is thought to lurk in the number, at any rate
the Pharisees
religiously preserve a certain amount of empty space.
(9:126) One
of such hiatus occurs
(to give an instance) in Gen.
iv:8,
where it is written, "And Cain said to his brother . . . . and it came to
pass while they were in the field, &c.," a space being left in which
we should expect to hear what it was that Cain said.
(9:127) Similarly
there are (besides those points we
have noticed)
eight-and-twenty hiatus left by the scribes. (9:128) Many of these would
not be recognized as mutilated if it were not for the empty space left.
(9:129) But
I have said enough on this subject.
End of Chapter IX
Page 146
CHAPTER X.
(10:1) I
now pass on to the remaining books
of the {Hebrew
Bible}.
(2) Concerning the two books of Chronicles I have nothing particular
or important to remark, except that they were certainly written after
the time of Ezra, and possibly after the restoration of the Temple by
Judas Maccabæus (19). (2a) For in chap. ix. of the first book we find
a reckoning of the families who were the first to live in Jerusalem,
and in verse 17 the names of the porters, of which two recur in
Nehemiah. (10:3) This shows that the books were certainly compiled
after the rebuilding of the city. (4) As to their actual writer, their
authority, utility, and doctrine, I come to no conclusion. (5) I have
always been astonished that they have been included in the Bible
by men who shut out from the canon the books of Wisdom, Tobit,
and the others styled apocryphal. (10:6) I do not aim at disparaging
their authority, but as they are universally received I will leave them
as they are.
(10:7) The
Psalms were collected and divided into five
books in the
time of the second temple, for Ps.
lxxxviii. was published, according
]See
Shirley's footnote[
to Philo-Judæus,
while king Jehoiachin was still a
prisoner in
Babylon; and Ps. lxxxix. when the same king obtained his liberty:
I do not think Philo would have made the statement unless either it
had been the received opinion in his time, or else had been told
him by trustworthy persons.
(10:8) The
Proverbs of Solomon were, I believe, collected at the same
time, or at least in the time of King Josiah; for in chap. xxv:1, it is
written, "These are also proverbs of Solomon which the men of
Hezekiah, king of Judah, copied out." (10:9) I cannot here pass over in
silence the audacity of the Rabbis who wished to exclude from the
sacred canon both page 147 the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, and to
put them both in the Apocrypha. (9a) In fact, they would actually have
done so, if they had not lighted on certain passages in which the
law of Moses is extolled. (10:9b)
It is, indeed, grievous to think that the
Bk.XIB:3774.
settling of the sacred canon lay
in the hands of such men; however,
I congratulate them, in this instance, on their suffering us to see
these books in question, though I cannot refrain from doubting
whether they have transmitted them in absolute good faith; but I
will not now linger on this point.
(10:10) I
pass on, then, to the prophetic books. (11)
An examination of
these assures me that the prophecies therein contained have been
compiled from other books, and are not always set down in the
exact order in which they were spoken or written by the prophets,
but are only such as were collected here and there, so that they
are but fragmentary.
(10:12) Isaiah
began to prophecy in the reign of Uzziah, as the writer
himself testifies in the first verse. (13) He not only prophesied at that
time, but furthermore wrote the history of that king (see 2 Chron.
xxvi:22) in a volume now lost. (10:13a) That which we possess, we have
shown to have been taken from the chronicles of the kings of Judah
and Israel.
(10:14) We
may add that the Rabbis assert that this prophet
prophe-
sied in the reign of Manasseh, by whom he was eventually put to
death, and, although this seems to be a myth, it yet shows that they
did not think that all Isaiah's prophecies are extant.
(10:15) The
prophecies of Jeremiah,
which are related historically are
also taken from various chronicles; for not only are they heaped
together confusedly, without any account being taken of dates, but
also the same story is told in them differently in different passages.
(10:16) For instance, in chap. xxi. we are told that the cause of
Jeremiah's arrest was that he had prophesied the destruction of
the city to Zedekiah who consulted him. (10:17) This narrative sud-
denly passes, in chap xxii., to the prophet's remonstrances to
Jehoiakim (Zedekiah's predecessor), and the prediction he made
of that king's captivity; then, in chap. xxv., come the revelations
granted to the prophet previously, that is in the fourth year of
Jehoiakim, and, further on still, the revelations received in page 148
the first year of the same reign. (10:18) The continuator of Jeremiah
goes on heaping prophecy upon prophecy without any regard to
dates, until at last, in chap. xxxviii. (as if the intervening chapters
had been a parenthesis), he takes up the thread dropped in
chap. xxi.
(10:19) In
fact, the conjunction with which chap. xxxviii. begins,
refers
to the 8th, 9th, and 10th verses of chap. xxi. Jeremiah's last arrest
is then very differently described, and a totally separate cause is
given for his daily retention in the court of the prison.
(10:20) We
may thus clearly see that these portions of the book
have
been compiled from various sources, and are only from this point
of view comprehensible. (10:21) The prophecies contained in the
remaining chapters, where Jeremiah speaks in the first person,
seem to be taken from a book written by Baruch, at Jeremiah's
dictation. (10:22) These, however, only comprise (as appears from
chap. xxxvi:2) the prophecies revealed to the prophet from the time
of Josiah to the fourth year of Jehoiakim, at which period the book
begins. (10:23) The contents of chap. xlv:2, on to chap. li:59, seem
taken from the same volume.
(10:24) That
the book of Ezekiel
is only a fragment, is clearly indicated
by the first verse. (25) For anyone may see that the conjunction with
which it begins, refers to something already said, and connects
what follows therewith. (10:26) However, not only this conjunction, but
the whole text of the discourse implies other writings. (10:27) The fact
of the present work beginning the thirtieth year shows that the pro-
phet is continuing, not commencing a discourse; and this is con-
firmed by the writer, who parenthetically states in verse 3, "The
word of the Lord came often unto Ezekiel the priest, the son of Buzi,
in the land of the Chaldeans," as if to say that the prophecies which
he is about to relate are the sequel to revelations
formerly received
by Ezekiel from God. (10:28)
Furthermore, Josephus,
11 Antiq." x:9,
says that Ezekiel prophesied that Zedekiah should not see Babylon,
whereas the book we now have not only contains no such state-
ment, but contrariwise asserts in chap. xvii. that he should be taken
to Babylon as a captive (20).
(10:29) Of
Hosea
I cannot positively state that he wrote more than is
now extant in the book bearing his name, but I am page 149 aston-
ished at the smallness of the quantity we possess, for the sacred
writer asserts that the prophet prophesied for more than eighty
years.
(10:30) We
may assert, speaking generally, that the
compiler of the
prophetic books neither collected all the prophets, nor all the
writings of those we have; for of the prophets who are said to have
prophesied in the reign of Manasseh and of whom general mention
is made in 2 Chron. xxxiii:10, 18, we have, evidently, no prophecies
extant; neither have we all the prophecies of the twelve who give
their names to books. (10:31) Of Jonah we have only the prophecy con-
cerning the Ninevites, though he also prophesied to the children of
Israel, as we learn in 2
Kings xiv:25.
(10:32) The
book and the personality of Job
have caused much con-
troversy. (33) Some think that the book is the work of Moses, and the
whole narrative merely allegorical. (10:34) Such is the opinion of the
Rabbins recorded in the Talmud, and they are supported by
Maimonides in his "More Nebuchim." (10:35) Others believe it to be a
true history, and some suppose that Job lived in the time of Jacob,
and was married to his daughter Dinah. (10:36) Aben Ezra, however,
as I have already stated, affirms, in his commentaries, that the work
is a translation into Hebrew from some other language: I could wish
that he could advance more cogent arguments than he does, for we
might then conclude that the Gentiles also had sacred books. (10:37) I
myself leave the matter undecided, but I conjecture Job to have
been a Gentile, and a man of very stable character, who at first
prospered, then was assailed with terrible calamities, and finally
was restored to great happiness. (10:38) (He is thus named, among
others, by Ezekiel, xiv:14.) (10:39) I take it that the constancy of his
mind amid the vicissitudes of his fortune occasioned many men to
dispute about God's providence, or at least caused the writer of the
book in question to compose his dialogues; for the contents, and
also the style, seem to emanate far less from a man wretchedly ill
and lying among ashes, than from
one reflecting at ease in his
Bk.XIB:3776.
study. (10:40)
I should also be inclined to agree with
Aben Ezra that the
book is a translation, for its poetry seems akin to that of the
Gentiles; thus the Father of Gods summons a council, and Momus,
here called Satan, criticizes the Divine decrees with the utmost
freedom. page 150 (10:41) But these are mere conjectures without any
solid foundation.
(10:42) I
pass on to the book of Daniel,
which, from chap. viii. onwards,
undoubtedly contains the writing of Daniel himself. (43) Whence the
first seven chapters are derived I cannot say; we may, however,
conjecture that, as they were first written in Chaldean, they are
taken from Chaldean chronicles. (10:44) If this could be proved, it
would form a very striking proof of the fact that the sacredness of
Scripture depends on our understanding of the doctrines therein
signified, and not on the words, the language, and the phrases in
which these doctrines are conveyed to us; and it would further
show us that books which teach and speak of whatever is highest
and best are equally sacred, whatever be the tongue in which they
are written, or the nation to which they belong.
(10:45) We
can, however, in this case only remark that the
chapters
in question were written in Chaldee, and yet are as sacred as the
rest of the Bible.
(10:46) The
first book of Ezra
is so intimately connected with the book
of Daniel that both are plainly recognizable as the work of the same
author, writing of Jewish history from the time of the first captivity
onwards. (10:47) I have no hesitation in joining to this the book of
Esther, for the conjunction with which it begins can refer to nothing
else. (10:48) It cannot be the same work as that written by Mordecai, for,
in chap. ix:20-22, another person relates that Mordecai wrote letters,
and tells us their contents; further, that Queen Esther confirmed the
days of Purim in their times appointed, and that the decree was
written in the book that is (by a Hebraism), in a book known to all
then living, which, as Aben Ezra and the rest confess, has now per-
ished. (10:49)
Lastly, for the rest of the acts
of Mordecai, the historian
refers us to the chronicles of the kings of Persia.
(10:50) Thus
there
is no doubt that this book was written by the same person as he
who recounted the history of Daniel and Ezra, and who wrote
Nehemiah (21), sometimes called the second book of Ezra. (10:51) We
may, then, affirm that all these books are from one hand; but we
have no clue whatever to the personality of the author. (10:52) However,
in order to determine whence he, whoever he was, had gained a
knowledge of page 151 the histories which he had, perchance, in
great measure himself written, we may remark that the governors
or chiefs of the Jews, after the restoration of the Temple, kept
scribes or historiographers, who wrote annals or chronicles of them.
(10:53) The chronicles of the kings are often quoted in the books of
Kings, but the chronicles of the chiefs and priests are quoted for
the first time in Nehemiah xii:23, and again in 1 Macc. xvi:24.
(10:54) This is undoubtedly the book referred to as containing the
decree of Esther and the acts of Mordecai; and which, as we said
with Aben Ezra, is now lost. (10:55) From it were taken the whole con-
tents of these four books, for no other authority is quoted by their
writer, or is known to us.
(10:56) That
these books were not written by either Ezra
or Nehemiah
is plain from Nehemiah xii:9, where the descendants of the high
priest, Joshua are traced down to Jaddua, the sixth high priest, who
went to meet Alexander the Great, when the Persian empire was
almost subdued (Josephus, "Ant." ii. 108), or who, according to
Philo-Judæus, was the sixth and last high priest
under the Persians.
(10:57) In
the same chapter of Nehemiah,
verse
22, this point is
clearly brought out: "The Levites in the days of Eliashib, Joiada,
and Johanan, and Jaddua, were recorded chief of the fathers: also
the priests, to the reign of Darius the Persian"—that is to say, in the
chronicles; and, I suppose, no one thinks (22) that the lives of
Nehemiah and Ezra were so prolonged that they outlived fourteen
kings of Persia. (10:58) Cyrus was the first who granted the Jews per-
mission to rebuild their Temple: the period between his time and
Darius, fourteenth and last king of
Persia, extends over 230 years.
(10:59) I
have, therefore, no doubt that these books were written after
Judas Maccabæus had restored the worship in the Temple, for at
that time false books of Daniel, Ezra, and Esther
were published by
]See
Shirley's footnote[
evil-disposed persons, who were
almost certainly Sadducees,
for
the writings were never recognized by the Pharisees, so far as I am
aware; and, although certain myths in the fourth book of Ezra are
repeated in the Talmud, they must not be set down to the Pharisees,
for all but the most ignorant admit that they have been added by
some trifler: in fact, I think, someone must have made such ad-
ditions page 152 with a view to casting ridicule on all the traditions
of the sect.
(10:60) Perhaps
these four books were written out and published at the
time I have mentioned with a view to showing the people that the
prophecies of Daniel had been fulfilled, and thus kindling their piety,
and awakening a hope of future deliverance in the midst of their
misfortunes. (10:61) In spite of their recent origin, the books before us
contain many errors, due, I suppose, to the haste with which they
were written. (10:62) Marginal readings, such as I have mentioned in
the last chapter, are found here as elsewhere, and in even greater
abundance; there are, moreover, certain passages which can only
be accounted for by
supposing some such cause
as hurry.
(10:63) However,
before calling attention to the marginal
readings,
I will remark that, if the Pharisees are right in supposing them to
have been ancient, and the work of the original scribes, we must
perforce admit that these scribes (if there were more than one) set
them down because they found that the text from which they were
copying was inaccurate, and did yet not venture to alter what was
written by their predecessors and superiors. (10:64) I need not again
go into the subject at length, and will, therefore, proceed to mention
some discrepancies not noticed in the margin.
(10:65) I.
Some error has crept into the text of the
second chapter of
Ezra, for in verse 64 we are told that the total of all those mentioned
in the rest of the chapter amounts to 42,360; but, when we come to
add up the several items we get as result only 29,818. (10:66) There
must, therefore, be an error, either in the total, or in the details.
(10:67) The total is probably correct, for it would most likely be well
known to all as a noteworthy thing; but with the details, the case
would be different. (10:68) If, then, any error had crept into the total,
it would at once have been remarked, and easily corrected. (69) This
view is confirmed by Nehemiah vii., where this chapter of Ezra is
mentioned, and a total is given in plain correspondence thereto;
but the details are altogether different—some are larger, and some
less, than those in Ezra, and altogether they amount to 31,089.
(10:70) We may, therefore, conclude that both in Ezra and in Nehemiah
the page 153 details are erroneously given. (10:71) The commentators
who attempt to harmonize these evident contradictions draw on their
imagination, each to the best of his ability; and while professing
adoration for each letter and word of Scripture, only succeed in
holding up the sacred writers to ridicule, as though they knew not
how to write or relate a plain narrative. (10:72) Such persons effect
nothing but to render the clearness of Scripture obscure. (73) If the
Bible could everywhere be interpreted after their fashion, there
would be no such thing as a rational statement of which the mean-
ing could be relied on. (10:74) However, there is no need to dwell on
the subject; only I am convinced that if any historian were to attempt
to imitate the proceedings freely attributed to the writers of the Bible,
the commentators would cover him with contempt. (10:75) If it be blas-
phemy to assert that there are any errors in Scripture, what name
shall we apply to those who foist into it their own fancies, who
degrade the sacred writers till they seem to write confused non-
sense, and who deny the plainest and most evident meanings?
(10:76) What in the whole Bible can be plainer than the fact that Ezra
and his companions, in the second chapter of the book attributed
to him, have given in detail the reckoning of all the Hebrews who
set out with them for Jerusalem? (10:77) This is proved by the reckon-
ing being given, not only of those who told their lineage, but also
of those who were unable to do so. (10:78) Is it not equally clear from
Nehemiah vii:5, that the writer merely there copies the list given in
Ezra? (10:79) Those, therefore, who explain these passages other-
wise, deny the plain meaning of Scripture—nay, they deny
Scripture itself. (10:80) They think it pious to reconcile one passage
of Scripture with another—a pretty piety, forsooth, which accom-
modates the clear passages to the obscure, the correct to the
faulty, the sound to the corrupt.
(10:81) Far
be it from me to call such commentators blasphemers,
if
their motives be pure: for to err is human. But
I return to my subject.
(10:82) Besides
these errors in numerical details, there are others
in
the genealogies, in the history, and, I fear also in the prophecies.
(10:83) The prophecy of Jeremiah (chap. xxii.), concerning Jechoniah,
evidently does not agree with his history as given in I Chronicles
iii:17-19, and especially with the page 154 last words of the chapter,
nor do I see how the prophecy, "thou shalt die in peace," can be
applied to Zedekiah, whose eyes were dug out after his sons had
been slain before him. (10:84) If prophecies are to be interpreted by
their issue, we must make a change of name, and read Jechoniah
for Zedekiah, and vice versâ. (10:85) This, however, would be too para-
doxical a proceeding; so I prefer to leave the matter unexplained,
especially as the error, if error there be, must be set down to the
historian, and not to any fault in the authorities.
(10:86) Other
difficulties I will not touch upon, as I should
only weary
the reader, and,
moreover, be repeating the remarks
of other writers.
]See
Shirley's footnote[
(10:87) For
R. Selomo,
in face of the manifest contradiction
in the
above-mentioned genealogies, is compelled to break forth into
these words (see his commentary on 1 Chron. viii.): "Ezra (whom
he supposes to be the author of the book of Chronicles) gives dif-
ferent names and a different genealogy to the sons of Benjamin
from those which we find in Genesis, and describes most of the
Levites differently from Joshua, because he found original discrep-
ancies." (10:88) And, again, a little later: "The genealogy of Gibeon
and others is described twice in different ways, from different tables
of each genealogy, and in writing them down Ezra adopted the
version given in the majority of the texts, and when the authority
was equal he gave both." (10:89) Thus granting that these books
were compiled from sources
originally incorrect and uncertain.
(10:90) In
fact the commentators, in seeking to harmonize
difficulties,
generally do no more than indicate their causes: for I suppose no
sane person supposes that the sacred historians deliberately
wrote with the object of appearing
to contradict themselves freely.
(10:91) Perhaps
I shall be told that I am overthrowing the authority
of
Scripture, for that, according to me, anyone may suspect it of error
in any passage; but, on the contrary, I have shown that my object
has been to prevent the clear and uncorrupted passages being
accommodated to and corrupted by the faulty ones; neither does
the fact that some passages are corrupt warrant us in suspecting
all. (10:92) No book ever was completely free from faults, yet I would
ask, who suspects all books to be everywhere faulty? page 155
(10:93) Surely no one, especially when the phraseology is clear and
the intention of the author plain.
(10:94) I
have now finished the task I set
myself with respect to the
books of the {Hebrew Bible}. (10:95) We may easily conclude from
what has been said, that before the time of the Maccabees there
was no canon of sacred books (23), but that those which we now
possess were selected from a multitude of others at the period of
the restoration of the Temple by the Pharisees (who also instituted
the set form of prayers), who are alone responsible for their accept-
ance. (10:96) Those, therefore, who would demonstrate the authority
of Holy Scripture, are bound to show the authority of each separate
book; it is not enough to prove the Divine origin of a single book in
order to infer the Divine origin of the rest. (97) In that case we should
have to assume that the council
of Pharisees was, in its choice
of
books, infallible, and this could never be
proved. (10:98) I
am led to
assert that the Pharisees
alone selected the books of the {Hebrew
Bible}, and inserted them in the canon, from the fact that in
Daniel ii.
is proclaimed the doctrine of the Resurrection, which the Saddu-
cees denied; and, furthermore, the Pharisees plainly assert in the
Talmud that they so selected them. (10:99) For in the treatise of
Sabbathus, chapter ii., folio 30, page 2, it is written: "R. Jehuda,
surnamed Rabbi, reports that the experts wished to conceal the
book of Ecclesiastes because they found therein words opposed
to the law (that is, to the book of the law of Moses). (10:100) Why did
they not hide it? (10:101) Because it begins, {Eccl. 1:3} , in accordance
with the law, and ends, {Eccl. 12:13}, according to the law;" and a
little further on we read: "They sought also to conceal the book of
Proverbs"
{Why? Because Prov.
26:4 & 5 are self-contradictory}.
(10:102) And
in the first chapter of the same treatise,
fol. 13, page 2:
"Verily, name one man for
good, even he who was called Neghunja,
the son of Hezekiah: for, save for him, the book of Ezekiel would been
concealed, because it agreed not, {Ezek. 44:31; 45:20}, with the
words of the law."
(10:103) It
is thus abundantly clear that men expert
in the law sum-
moned a council to decide which books should be received into
the canon, and which excluded. (10:104) If any man, therefore, wishes
to be certified as to the authority of all the books, let him call
a fresh council, and ask every member his reasons.
PAGE 156
(10:105) The
time has now come for examining in the same manner the
Bk.XIA:552.
books in the New Testament;
but as I learn that the task has been
Bk.XIA:103101.
already performed by men
highly skilled in science and languages,
and as I do not myself possess a knowledge of Greek sufficiently
exact for the task; lastly, as
we have lost the originals of those
Bk.XIA:6439.
books which were written
in Hebrew, I prefer to decline
the under-
taking. (10:106) However, I will touch on those points which have most
bearing on my subject in the following chapter.
End of PART 2 of 4
AUTHOR'S NOTES TO THE
THEOLOGICO-POLITICAL TREATISE
PART 2 - Chapters VI to X
CHAPTER VI. (p.
81)
Note 6 (p.
84, 270) "As
G-D's existence is not self-evident
it must
necessarily
be inferred from
ideas so firmly
and
incontrovertibly true, that no power can
be
postulated or conceived sufficient
to
impugn them."
(1)
We doubt of the existence
of G-D, and consequently of all else,
so long as we have no clear and distinct idea of G-D, but only a
confused one. (2) For as he who knows not rightly the nature of a
triangle, knows not that its three angles are equal to two right
angles, so he who conceives the Divine nature confusedly, does
not see that it pertains to the nature of G-D to exist. (3) Now, to
conceive the nature of G-D clearly and distinctly, it is necessary to
pay attention to a certain number
of very simple notions, called
Bk.XIX:28121, 29622.
general
notions, and by their help to associate
the conceptions
which we form of the attributes of the Divine Nature. (4) It then, for
the first time, becomes clear to us, that G-D exists necessarily, that
He is omnipresent, and that all our conceptions involve in them-
selves the nature of G-D and are conceived through it. (5) Lastly,
we see that all our adequate ideas are true. (6) Compare on this
point the prologomena to book, "Principles of Descartes's
philosophy set forth geometrically."
CHAPTER VII. (p. 98)
Note 7 (p.
108, 270) (1)
"It
is impossible to find a method which would
enable us to gain a certain knowledge of all the statements in
Scripture."
(2) I
mean impossible for us who have not the habitual
Bk.XIA:6439.
Bk.XIA:6445.
use of the language,
and have lost the precise meaning of
its
phraseology.
Note 8 (p.
1l2, 270) (1)
"Not
in things whereof the understanding can
gain a clear and distinct idea, and which are conceivable through
themselves." (2) By things conceivable I mean not only those which
are rigidly proved, but also those whereof we are morally certain,
and are wont to hear without wonder, though they are incapable of
proof. (3) Everyone can see the truth of Euclid's propositions before
they are proved. (4) So also the histories of things both future and
past which do not surpass human credence, laws, page 271 institu-
tions, manners, I call conceivable and clear, though they cannot be
proved mathematically. (5) But hieroglyphics and histories which
seem to pass the bounds of belief I call inconceivable; yet even
among these last there are many which our method enables us to Metaphors
investigate, and to discover the meaning of their narrator.
CHAPTER VIII. (p. 120)
Note 9 (p.
122, 271) (1)
"Mount
Moriah is called the mount of God."
(2)That is by the historian, not by Abraham, for he says that the
place now called "In the mount of the Lord it shall be revealed,"
was called by Abraham, "the
Lord shall provide." {Gen
22:7, 8.}
Note 10 (p.124,
271) (1)
"Before
that territory [Idumœa] was conquered
by David." (2) From this time to the reign of Jehoram when they
again separated from the Jewish kingdom (2 Kings viii:20), the
Idumæans had no king, princes appointed by the Jews supplied
the place of kings (1 Kings xxii:48), in fact the prince of Idumæea is
called a king (2 Kings iii:9).
(3) It may be doubted whether the last of the Idumæan kings had
begun to reign before the accession of Saul, or whether Scripture
in this chapter of Genesis wished to enumerate only such kings as
were independent. (4) It is evidently mere trifling to wish to enrol
among Hebrew kings the name of Moses, who set up a dominion
entirely different from a monarchy.
8:58 (p.
125) BkIX:166 {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] The Chaldaean Paraphrast Jonathan
was Jonathan
ben Uzziel,
first century A.D., who
produced an Aramaic
(Chaldaean) trans-
lation or paraphrase
of the Bible, called a Targum. Maimonides
held him in high
regard.[
"biblical literature" from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. [Accessed August 4, 2003].
The Targum to the Prophets also originated in Palestine
and received its final editing in Babylonia. It is
ascribed to Jonathan ben Uzziel, a pupil of Hillel,
the famous 1st century BCE–1st century CE rabbinic
sage, though it is in fact a composite work of
varying ages. In its present form it discloses a dependence on Onkelos,
though it is less literal.
CHAPTER IX. (p.
133)
Note 11 (p.
133, 271) (1)
"With
few exceptions." (2) One
of these excep-
tions is found in 2 Kings xviii:20, where we read, "Thou sayest (but
they are but vain words)," the second person being used. (3) In
Isaiah xxxvi:5, we read "I say (but they are but vain words) I have
counsel and strength for war," and in the twenty-second verse of
the chapter in Kings it is written, "But if ye say," the plural number
being used, whereas Isaiah gives the singular. (4) The text in Isaiah
does not contain the words found in 2 Kings xxxii:32. (5) Thus there
are several cases of various readings where it is impossible to
distinguish the best.
Note 12 (p.
134, 271) (1)
"The
expressions in the two passages are so
varied." (2) For instance we read in 2 Sam. vii:6, "But I have walked
in a tent and in a tabernacle." (3) Whereas in 1 Chron. xvii:5, "but
have gone from tent to tent and from one tabernacle to another."
(4) In 2 Sam. vii:10, we read, "to afflict them," whereas in 1 Chron.
vii:9, we find a different expression. (5) I could point out other dif-
ferences still greater, but a single reading of the chapters in
question will suffice to make them manifest to all who are neither
blind nor devoid of sense.
PAGE 272
Note 13 (p.
134, 272) (1)
"This
time cannot refer to what immediately
precedes." (2) It is plain from the context that this passage must
allude to the time when Joseph was sold by his brethren. (3) But
this is not all. (4) We may draw the same conclusion from the age
of Judah, who was than twenty-two years old at most, taking as
basis of calculation his own history just narrated. (5) It follows,
indeed, from the last verse of Gen. xxx., that Judah was born in the
tenth of the years of Jacob's servitude to Laban, and Joseph in the
fourteenth. (6) Now, as we know that Joseph was seventeen years
old when sold by his brethren, Judah was then not more than
twenty-one. (7) Hence, those writers who assert that Judah's long
absence from his father's house took place before Joseph was sold,
only seek to delude themselves and to call in question the Scriptural
authority which they are anxious to protect.
Note 14 (p.
135, 272) (1)
"Dinah was scarcely seven
years old when
she was violated by Schechem." (2) The opinion held by some that
Jacob wandered about eight or ten years between Mesopotamia
and Bethel, savours of the ridiculous; if respect for Aben Ezra,
allows me to say so. (3) For it is clear that Jacob had two reasons
for haste: first, the desire to see his old parents; secondly, and
chiefly to perform, the vow made when he fled from his brother
(Gen. xxviii:10 and xxxi:13, and xxxv:1). (4) We read (Gen. xxxi:3),
that God had commanded him to fulfill his vow, and promised him
help for returning to his country. (5) If these considerations seem
conjectures rather than reasons, I will waive the point and admit
that Jacob, more unfortunate than Ulysses, spent eight or ten
years or even longer, in this short journey. (6) At any rate it cannot
be denied that Benjamin was born in the last year of this wandering,
that is by the reckoning of the objectors, when Joseph was sixteen
or seventeen years old, for Jacob left Laban seven years after
Joseph's birth. (7) Now from the seventeenth year of Joseph's age
till the patriarch went into Egypt, not more than twenty-two years
elapsed, as we have shown in this chapter. (8) Consequently
Benjamin, at the time of the journey to Egypt, was twenty-three or
twenty-four at the most. (9) He would therefore have been a grand-
father in the flower of his age (Gen. xlvi:21, cf. Numb. xxvi:38, 40,
and 1 Chron. viii;1), for it is certain that Bela, Benjamin's eldest son,
had at that time, two sons, Addai and Naaman. (10) This is just as
absurd as the statement that Dinah was violated at the age of
seven, not to mention other impossibilities which would result from
the truth of the narrative. (11)Thus we see that unskillful endeavours
to solve difficulties, only raise fresh ones, and make confusion
worse confounded.
Note 15 (p.
136 272) (1)
"Othniel,
son of Kenag, was judge for forty
years." (2) Rabbi Levi Ben Gerson and others believe that these
forty years which the Bible says were passed in freedom, should
be counted page 273 from the death of Joshua, and consequently
include the eight years during which the people were subject to
Kushan Rishathaim, while the following eighteen years must be
added on to the eighty years of Ehud's and Shamgar's judgeships.
(3) In this case it would be necessary to reckon the other years of
subjection among those said by the Bible to have been passed
in freedom. (4) But the Bible expressly notes the number of years
of subjection, and the number of years of freedom, and further
declares (Judges ii:18) that the Hebrew state was prosperous
during the whole time of the judges. (5) Therefore it is evident that
Levi Ben Gerson (certainly a very learned man), and those who
follow him, correct rather than interpret the Scriptures.
(6) The same fault is committed by those who assert, that
Scripture, by this general calculation of years, only intended to
mark the period of the regular administration of the Hebrew state,
leaving out the years of anarchy and subjection as periods of
misfortune and interregnum. (7) Scripture certainly passes over in
silence periods of anarchy, but does not, as they dream, refuse to
reckon them or wipe them out of the country's annals. (8) It is clear
that Ezra, in 1 Kings vi., wished to reckon absolutely all the years
since the flight from Egypt. (9) This is so plain, that no one versed
in the Scriptures can doubt it. (10) For, without going back to the
precise words of the text, we may see that the genealogy of David
given at the end of the book of Ruth, and I Chron. ii., scarcely
accounts for so great a number of years. (11) For Nahshon, who
was prince of the tribe of Judah (Numb. vii;11), two years after the
Exodus, died in the desert, and his son Salmon passed the Jordan
with Joshua. (12) Now this Salmon, according to the genealogy, was
David's great-grandfather. (13) Deducting, then, from the total of 480
years, four years for Solomon's reign, seventy for David's life, and
forty for the time passed in the desert, we find that David was born
366 years after the passage of the Jordan. (14) Hence we must
believe that David's father, grandfather, great-grandfather, and
great-great-grandfather begat children when they were ninety
years old.
Note 16 (p.
137,273) (1)
"Samson was judge
for twenty years." (2)
Samson
was born after the Hebrews had fallen under the dominion of the
Philistines.
Note 17 (p.
139, 273) (1)
Otherwise, they rather correct
than explain
Scripture.
Note 18 (p.
140, 273) (1)
"Kirjath-jearim."
(2) Kirjath-jearim
is also called
Baale of Judah. (3) Hence Kimchi and others think that the words
Baale Judah, which I have translated "the people of Judah," are the
name of a town. (4) But this is not so, for the word Baale is in the
plural. (5) Moreover, comparing this text in Samuel with I Chron. Xiii:5,
we find that David did not rise up and go forth out of Baale, but that
he went thither. (6) If the author of the book page 274 of Samuel had
meant to name the place whence David took the ark, he would, if he
spoke Hebrew correctly, have said, "David rose up, and set forth
from Baale Judah, and took the ark from thence."
9:92 (p.
142) Bk.IX:182 {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] Massoretes.
A name given to a succession of scholars who laboured
from about the 6th
century to the tenth century to produce an authorita-
tive version of the
Hebrew Bible. They introduced the
vowel sounds.[
9:108 (p.
144) Bk.IX:184 {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] The Bomberg
Bible was printed by D. Bomberg (a
Christian) at
Venice 1524-5, edited by Jacob
ben Hayyim. [
"biblical
literature" from Encyclopædia Britannica Premium Service. [Accessed
August 4, 2003].
The first rabbinic Bible—i.e., the Hebrew text furnished with full vowel points and accents, accompanied by the Aramaic Targums and the major medieval Jewish commentaries— was edited by Felix Pratensis and published by Daniel Bomberg (Venice, 1516/17). The second edition, edited by Jacob ben Hayyim ibn Adonijah and issued by Bomberg in four volumes (Venice, 1524/25), became the prototype of future Hebrew Bibles down to the 20th century. It contained a vast text-critical apparatus of Masoretic notes never since equalled in any edition. Unfortunately, Ben Hayyim had made use of late manuscripts and the text and notes are eclectic {made up of elements selected from various sources}.
CHAPTER X. (p.
146)
10:7 (p.
146) Bk.IX:186 {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] Judaeus
Philo,
also called Philo
of Alexandria c. 15 B.C. - 45 A.D.
was the most important representative of
Hellenic Judaism, and
wrote widely on
philosophy with Platonic leanings. [
Note 19 (p.
146, 274) (1)
"After
the restoration of the Temple by Judas
Maccabœus." (2) This conjecture, if such it be, is founded on the
genealogy of King Jeconiah, given in 1 Chron. iii., which finishes at
the sons of Elioenai, the thirteenth in direct descent from him:
whereon we must observe that Jeconiah, before his captivity, had
no children; but it is probable that he had two while he was in prison,
if we may draw any inference from the names he gave them. (3) As
to his grandchildren, it is evident that they were born after his
deliverance, if the names be any guide, for his grandson, Pedaiah
(a name meaning God hath delivered me), who, according to this
chapter, was the father of Zerubbabel, was born in the thirty-seventh
or thirty- eighth year of Jeconiah's life, that is thirty-three years
before the restoration of liberty to the Jews by Cyrus. (4) Therefore
Zerubbabel, to whom Cyrus gave the principality of Judæa, was
thirteen or fourteen years old. (5) But we need not carry the inquiry
so far: we need only read attentively the chapter of 1 Chron.,
already quoted, where (v. 17, sqq.) mention is made of all the
posterity of Jeconiah, and compare it with the Septuagint version
to see clearly that these books were not published, till after
Maccabæus had restored the Temple, the sceptre no longer
belonging to the house of Jeconiah.
Note 20 (p.
148, 274) (1)
"Zedekiah
should be taken to Babylon."
(2) No one could then have suspected that the prophecy of Ezekiel
contradicted that of Jeremiah, but the suspicion occurs to everyone
who reads the narrative of Josephus. (3) The event proved that both
prophets were in the right.
Note 21 (p.
150, 274) (1)
"And
who wrote Nehemiah."
(2) That
the greater
part of the book of Nehemiah was taken from the work composed
by the prophet Nehemiah himself, follows from the testimony of its
author. (See chap. i.). (3) But it is obvious that the whole of the pass-
age contained between chap. viii. and chap. xii. verse 26, together
with the two last verses of chap. xii., which form a sort of paren-
thesis to Nehemiah's words, were added by the historian himself,
who outlived Nehemiah.
Note 22 (p.
151, 274) (1)
" I
suppose no one thinks"
that Ezra
was the
uncle of the first high priest, named Joshua (see Ezra vii., and
1 Chron. vi:14), and went to Jerusalem from Babylon with Zerub-
babel (see Nehemiah xii:1). (2) But it appears that when he saw,
that the Jews were in a state of anarchy, he returned to Babylon,
as also did others (Nehem. i;2), and remained page 275 there till the
reign of Artaxerxes, when his requests were granted and he went a
second time to Jerusalem. (3) Nehemiah also went to Jerusalem with
Zerubbabel in the time of Cyrus (Ezra ii:2 and 63, cf. x:9, and
Nehemiah x:1). (4) The version given of the Hebrew word, translated
"ambassador," is not supported by any authority, while it is certain
that fresh names were given to those Jews who frequented the
court. (5) Thus Daniel was named Balteshazzar, and Zerubbabel
Sheshbazzar (Dan. i:7). (6) Nehemiah was called Atirsata, while in
virtue of his office he was styled governor, or president. (Nehem.
v. 24, xii:26.)
10:59 (p.
151) BkIX:191 "Sadducees" {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] A conservative sect, belonging mainly to the upper class and
associ-
ated with the priestly families. On certain
matters of doctrine they
differed from the Pharisees,
who, according to Josephus,
'profess
to be more religious
than the rest and to explain the
laws more
precisely.' [
RH--Sadducee. a member of an ancient Jewish sect,
consisting
mainly of priests and aristocrats, that differed from the Pharisees
esp. in its literal interpretation of the Bible and
its rejection of oral
laws and traditions.
[bef. 1000; ME sadducees (pl.), OE sadduceas <
LL sadducaei <
Gk saddoukaîoi < Heb sedhuqi adherent of Zadok]
10:87 (p.
154) BkIX:194 {Shirley
adds this footnote.}
] R. Selomo--this
is R. Selomo Yitzhaki, 1040 - 1105,
better known
by the abbreviation Rashi.
A French rabbinical scholar, whose
com-
mentary on the Bible won
great fame. [
{
Rashi's style is to tersely define, explain, or comment.
Hypertexting
would
have afforded a great convenience in
linking the word to its
comment. }
Note 23 (p.
155, 275) (1)
"Before
the time of the Maccabees
there was
no canon of sacred books." (2) The synagogue styled "the great"
did not begin before the subjugation of Asia by the Macedonians.
(3) The contention of Maimonides, Rabbi Abraham, Ben-David, and
others, that the presidents of this synagogue were Ezra, Daniel,
Nehemiah, Haggai, Zechariah, &c., is a pure fiction, resting only
on rabbinical tradition. (4) Indeed they assert that the dominion of
the Persians only lasted thirty-four years, and this is their chief
reason for maintaining that the decrees of the "great synagogue,"
or synod (rejected by the Sadducees, but accepted by the
Pharisees) were ratified by the prophets, who received them from
former prophets, and so in direct succession from Moses, who
received them from God Himself. (5) Such is the doctrine which the
Pharisees maintain with their wonted obstinacy. (6) Enlightened
persons, however, who know the
reasons for the convoking of
Bk.XIB:17782.
councils, or synods,
and are no strangers to the
differences
between Pharisees and Sadducees, can easily divine the causes
which led to the assembling of this great synagogue. (7) It is very
certain that no prophet was there present, and that the decrees of
the Pharisees, which they style their traditions, derive all their
authority from it.
JBY ENDNOTES:
From Tape 1 - Lecture 5 - TB1:60—Omnipotence and Omniscience.
Let me take time out for just a moment. There are wonderful theological postulates that circulate around notions of omnipotence {infinite in power} and omniscience {infinite knowledge}. What exactly does it mean to say that "The One" has unlimited power? Does it really mean to say that The One can do anything, anything at all? If you think that, then that very, very quickly generates puzzles and paradoxes and curiosities. The medieval theologians used to worry about this riddle: If God's powers are absolutely unlimited, then surely God can create a rock of any weight, whatever. So, couldn't God create a rock that was so heavy that God couldn't pick it up? Well, yes, no, yes, no. If he can create a rock that heavy, then there's something that he can't do, namely, pick it up. If he can pick up any rock, then there's something he can't do, that is, create a rock that is too heavy to pick up. Those are games. Those are games.
What comes out of those games, as we're going to see some days come down the pike, what comes out of those games is that we have to think very carefully about what omnipotence and omniscience really amount to in practice. What's the cash value, if you please, of such notions? Most, today, would agree that to say that the "other {, God}" is omnipotent is to say the "other" can do anything that is doable. To say the "other" is omniscient is to say the "other" does know anything that is knowable; but much more of that is yet to come.
From Alfred J. Kolatch's "This
is the Torah", ISBN: 0824603303, 1988, Pages 223, 375.
{missing
parts}
Why did the Masoretes
sometimes include incomplete sentences in the Torah
{The
hand-written scrolls that are read in the Synagogue--the five Books of
Moses}?
As pointed out in the previous answer, the Rabbis went to great lengths to avoid the use of unsavory words and expressions in the Torah. They were also anxious to avoid reporting fully, whenever possible, unseemly episodes that occasionally appear in the Torah and other parts of the Bible.
One such case, found in Genesis 35:22, is called to our attention via the Masoretic note piska b'emtza pasuk, meaning "there is a pause [or gap] in the middle of the verse." This verse starts out with a description of how Reuben, Jacob's eldest son, has sexual intercourse with Bilhah, the concubine of Jacob. But the story ends abruptly with the words "and Israel [Jacob] heard." The verse never tells us what Jacob did after hearing about the incident, thus sparing the listener the sordid details.
The Masoretes wanted it to be known
that the conclusion of the story is missing from the
text, and they therefore required scribes to
leave empty space when writing a Torah.
page
375
In Genesis
35:22, in the Hebrew language printed
copies of the Bible, the
letter fe (for
petucha, "open") appears in the open space.
In Deuteronomy
2:8 the letter samech
(for setuma,"closed") appears in the open space.
Where the fe appears, the next verse
begins on next line. Where the samech appears,
the next verse begins on the same line. It
is possible that the fe was used to indicate
that what is being omitted is very serious
and a noticeable space should therefore be left before continuing the text.
The samech would seem to indicate a
less serious omission.
Note TTP2:Smith's
Bk.XIA:56—Triflers
Spinoza's answer to the pervasive power of Scripture over human life is unexpected at first. Not philosophy but historical philology is the antidote to the authority of Scripture and the key to humanity's liberation from spiritual and ecclesiastical tutelage. The Treatise stands at the beginning of what would later become known as the "higher criticism" of the Bible. This higher criticism aims at nothing less than the historical understanding and reconstruction of the Bible. Spinoza's biblical criticism is, then, historical criticism; its goal is the historicization or secularization of the biblical text. It is a testimony to Spinoza's power of mind that three centuries after the publication of the Treatise modern philologists continue to work out the implications of his historical insights.
Long before Julius Wellhausen in the nineteenth century popularized the idea that the biblical text was composed by different authors living in different periods, Spinoza led the charge against the ascription of divine authorship to the Torah. According to the traditional view on which Spinoza had been brought up, the Torah, or "Five Books of Moses," had been dictated directly by God to Moses, who gave it in turn to Joshua; it passed from him to the elders, from them to the prophets, then to the men of the Great Assembly, and finally to the rabbis, all in a long chain of unbroken tradition. For the traditional exegete, every word, indeed, every letter down to and including its particular shape and size, was pregnant with divine meaning. In contrast to his exegetical method is the historico-genetic method of Spinoza, who takes an almost perverse delight in applying it to bring out the incoherencies, contradictions, and anachronisms in the text. In particular, he makes much of the fact that Moses could not be the sole author of the Pentateuch because his death is recorded there (Deut. 31:14-22). Once you remove Mosaic authorship from the Torah, it becomes a collection of ancient fairy tales, and a not very impressive one at that.
From Alfred J. Kolatch's "This
is the Torah", ISBN: 0824603303, 1988, Pages 219-220.
{marginal
notes}
Why does one find
Hebrew words in small type around the perimeter of the text in many editions
of the Torah?
{Printed
and hand-written editions of the five Books of Moses ^
}
In addition to introducing vowel-points and cantillation symbols, the Masoretes inserted notations around the body of the Torah study text to explain the manner in which specific words are to be spelled, pronounced, and accented {or to give the new meaning to obsolete words}. The Masoretes would not take the liberty of changing the sacred text, which they believed to have been dictated to Moses by God, and instead used marginal notes to make their observations known.
In 1524, when the first Torah text was prepared for the printer {Bomberg} in Venice, Italy, by Jacob ben Chayim, it was the Ben Asher text that served as the model. Notes appeared in the four margins of the text: top, bottom, and both sides.
Notes on the top and bottom margins
of the page are called Masora
Magna, meaning "Large
Masora," while notes in the side margins (sometimes
also written in the space between columns) are
referred to as Masora Parva, meaning "Small Masora." Printed
Bibles in current use generally carry notes only in the bottom margin,
under the text.
End of Endnotes to Part 2.
A Theologico-Political
Treatise - Part 2
Revised: January 17, 2006